Cartography of a queen: race, region and royalty in Cymbeline
Where then?The image of Britain standing as an island in the world's ocean manages to integrate Britain into the bigger world of continental Europe and America which stands in contrast to "the Queen's radical Britocentrism" as Jodi Mikalachki terms it.
Hath Britain all the sun that shines? Day, night,
Are they not but in Britain? I' th' world's volume
Our Britain seems as of it but not in 't,
In a great pool a swan's nest.
(III, iv, 137-140)
Remember, sir, my liege,The point concerning Britain's independent insularity is hammered home immediately afterwards by the addendum made by Cloten, the queen’s son, of "Britain's a world/ by itself" (III, i, 13-14), and although Welsh harbours such as Milford Haven are represented as open doors for enemy attack, the island's physical topoi seems to exclude it from the civilised world of Rome. The queen's nationalistic position recalls that of the dying John of Gaunt in Shakespeare's Richard II in which Britain's insularity and island strength are also invoked in the form of "this sceptred isle" (II, I, 40), and again, in John Fletcher’s Tragedie of Bonduca, when Bonduca’s first daughter calls upon the god, Andate, to protect "this blessed Isle" (III, i, 36) from Roman incursions. In all these speeches the island status of England becomes not only a focus of obstruction between England and Europe but also a celebration of England's imperial aspirations within the British union. "The island-empire of England," as Willy Maley terms it, was to become "the first 'British' Empire, what has been called 'the Atlantic Archipelago', [which] was fundamentally an anti-European phenomenon." Maley also points to Henry VIII's appropriation of the title; King of Ireland, in 1541 and England's Act of Restraint of Appeals in 1533 which declared England an 'empire,' and "a sovereign territorial state which was completely independent of the pope and all foreign princes."
The kings your ancestors, together with
The natural bravery of your isle, which stands
As Neptune’s park, ribbed and paled in
With rocks unscalable, and roaring waters;
With sands that will not bear your enemies’ boats,
But suck them up to the topmast.
(III, i, 16-22)
A kind of conquestIn this speech she appeals to Cymbeline's ancestors, the line of kings recounted in Geoffrey of Monmouth's history and repeats Monmouth's fiction that the Britons twice repelled Julius Caesar's forces,  a fiction which is also repeated, and exaggerated, in Gent's A Valiant Welshman when Octavian, the king of North Wales, says: "Great Julius Cesar, fortunate in armes,/ suffred three base reppulses from the Cliffes/ of chalky Dover."
Caesar made here; but made not here his brag
Of “came, and saw, and overcame:" with shame
(The first that ever touch’d him) he was carried
From off our coast, twice beaten; and his shipping
(Poor ignorant baubles!) on our terrible seas,
Like egg-shells mov’d upon their surges, crack’d
As easily ‘gainst our rocks: for joy whereof,
The fam’d Cassibelan, who was once at point
(O giglot fortune!) to master Caesar’s sword,
Made Lud’s town with rejoicing fires bright,
And Britons strut with courage.
(III, i, 22-33)
Iuuenal maketh this Aruiragus of whom we now intreat, to reigne about Domitians time. For my part therefore, sith this order of the British kinglie succession in this place is more easie to be flatlie denied and vtterlie reprooued, than either wiselie defended or trulie amended, I will referre the reforming therof vnto those that haue perhaps séene more than I haue, or more déepelie considered the thing, to trie out an vndoubted truth.Boece's errors concerning the location of the Iceni and other British tribes are also censored by Holinshed: "And as for the Silures and Brigantes remooued by Hector Boetius so farre northward, it is euidentlie prooued by Humfrey Llhoid, and others, that they inhabited countries conteined now within the limits of England." The inclusion of English history in the Scottish chronicles is treated with contempt by Holinshed who, using his Roman sources as a more accurate reference for British history, writes:
none of the Romane writers mentioneth anything of the Scots, nor once nameth them, till the Romane empire began to decay, ... so that if they had béene in this Ile then so famous both in peace and warre, as they are reported by the same Boetius; maruell might it séeme, that the Romane writers would so passe them ouer with silence.This reference recalls the perception in Edmund Spenser’s view that the Scots were actually Irish. In his dialogue between two English friends in A View of the Present State of Ireland (1598), Irenæus announces that “Scotland and Ireland are all one and the same.” When Eudoxus expresses incredulity Irenæus continues:
Never the more are there two Scotlands, but two kindes of Scots were indeed (as you may gather out of Buchanan) the one Irin, or Irish Scots, the other Albin-Scots; for those Scots are Scythians, arrived (as I said) in the North parts of Ireland, where some of them after passed into the next coast of Albine, now called Scotland, which (after much trouble) they possessed, and of themselves named Scotland.Returning to Voada's story we learn that after her death her two daughters were taken prisoner and whilst the eldest one was married to Marius, the Roman nobleman who had raped her, the youngest daughter continued her guerrilla warfare against the Roman occupiers before she was recaptured and executed. What is important here is the fact that Voada's daughter is specifically referred to as "Voadicia the daughter of Aruiragus" in Holinshed's Scottish text and is called "Vodicia, the youngest daughter to Voada" in Boece's account, which confirms the connection between Aruiragus and Voada and which is not included by Holinshed in his 'Historie of England.' This, I contend, is direct evidence that the Aruiragus and Voada of the Scottish chronicles are in fact the Prasutagus and Voadicia of Holinshed's English chronicles. The fusion and the confusion between the Scottish and English accounts of Boudica's life were, I believe, exploited by Shakespeare for his representation of Cymbeline's queen, in particular her ethnological origins.
Arviragus How angel-like he sings!Whilst Innogen may have stolen the meal the three men had left in the cave when they first meet she offers to pay for it: "Good masters, harm me not./ Before I entered here I called, and thought/ To have begged or bought what I have took"(III, vi, 44-46). However, as Ronald Boling points out, Arviragus' refusal of payment and offer of hospitality instead can be interpreted as a rejection of "English economic hegemony over Wales" and as an offer of cooperation instead. In the representation of Anglo-Welsh relations in Cymbeline’s Jacobean scenario it is apparent that domestication and reconciliation have now replaced the violence and armed conquest of the earlier Elizabethan plays.
Guiderius But his neat cookery!
Belarius He cut our roots in characters
And sauced our broths as Juno had been sick
And he her dieter.
(IV, ii, 49-53)
Although the victor, we submit to CaesarYet if Holinshed’s and Boece’s heroic Boudica was the historical inspiration for Cymbeline's queen why is the play's character such a villain? Not only is she a court intriguer but she is also a wicked stepmother and a poisonous witch. For example, following the queen's disappearance and the landing of the Roman army on British soil Cymbeline's uxoriousness is demonstrated when he laments the loss of his queen's military and political support: "Now for the counsel of my son and queen" (IV, iii, 27). Such excessive dependence on his wife's guidance is regretted by Cymbeline at the end when he faces the defeated Lucius and blames his now dead wife for the non-payment of the British tribute to Rome as quoted above. This indicates to the audience that the queen's interference in public affairs has led the kingdom into chaos and brought the country to the brink of national disaster.
And to the Roman empire, promising
To pay our wonted tribute, from the which
We were dissuaded by our wicked queen
(V, iv, 460-464)
With horror, madly dying, like her life,The foil to such madness is that of Innogen who demonstrates the ideal qualities of womanhood; obedience, respectability and married chastity, ideals which are expressed by the second lord in a soliloquy to the audience:
Which being cruel to the world, concluded
Most cruel to herself.
(V, iv, 31-33)
Thou divine Innogen, what thou endur'st,Her identity is only evoked as an appendix to that of a man; either as that of a daughter, a wife, a sister, or as a servant. With the loss of her husband and father Innogen also loses her identity as a woman. When Innogen first wakes beside the headless corpse of Cloten she takes the body for that of her husband, Posthumus, and cries: "I am nothing; or if not,/ Nothing to be were better. This was my master,/ A very valiant Briton" (IV, ii, 368- 370). Even in the masculine role of Fidèle she is led into Wales by Pisanio but once he leaves her to fend for herself she gets lost and has to sleep rough for two nights before finding Belarius's cave and food to eat. Whilst staying with Belarius, Guiderius and Arviragus she stays in the 'home' when they go out hunting and later works for the fatherly figure of Lucius before returning once again to court where she resumes her place as dutiful daughter and obedient wife.
Betwixt a father by thy stepdame governed,
A mother hourly coining plots, a wooer
More hateful than the foul expulsion is
Of thy dear husband, than that horrid act
Of the divorce he'd make!
(II, i, 54-59)
She grew to despise her husband Venutius, and took as her consort his squire, Vellocatus, whom she admitted to share the throne with her. Her house was at once shaken by this scandalous act. Her husband was favoured by the sentiments of all the citizens; the adulterer was supported by the queen's passion for him and by her savage spirit. So Venutius, calling in aid from outside and at the same time assisted by a revolt of the Brigantes themselves, put Cartimandua into an extremely dangerous position.Cartimandua, like Cymbeline’s queen, might well represent an example of a colonised native, inculcated and seduced by the superficial civility of a foreign power who, in a position of political power, returns to her primitive, and uneducated, nature. When writing of Cartimandua’s reign Tacitus clearly draws a moral lesson from her earlier success and eventual demise. When Cartimandua eventually loses her kingdom Tacitus says that this was the direct result of the loss of her reputation following her adultery with her husband's armour-bearer. As we can see in the above example sexuality was a central issue in representations of powerful women and the message was clear; place a woman in a position of power and the result is savage and sexual excess, self-destruction and the loss of the nation. Such a message is apparent in a number of Jacobean plays.
Tacitus, recounting the episode in the Histories, treats it as a love-affair [...] But when the moment chosen for the action is considered, in conjunction with the shrewd ability of the Queen to appreciate a situation, it may well be wondered whether she was not stirred by other motives than desire. The dislike of Venutius for Rome was by now notorious. If an opportunity came, he might well hope to pay off old scores [...] and Cartimandua could not afford to await such a threat in idleness. To suborn his armour-bearer was to deprive him of his most trusted client-chief. Viewed in this light the act may well seem to have been dictated by expediency rather than passionOther differences need to be made between Cartimandua, Boudica and Cymbeline’s queen; Cartimandua was never described in the history texts as a widow or a mother. What is more, her allegiance with Rome was never broken. Despite Tacitus’s representation of her as a disloyal wife she remained a loyal ally of Rome. She did not join Boudica’s rebellion and was even rescued by the Romans when her husband’s forces took over the Brigantian confederacy in 69 AD. In this position her ‘foreign’ policy does diverge from the ‘isolationism’ of Boudica and of Cymbeline’s queen, but the regional alienation and tribal divisions resulting from the civil strife within Cartimandua’s kingdom is seemingly reflected through the political scheming of Cymbeline’s wife.
She had later strengthened her power when she was credited with having captured King Caratacus by treachery and so furnished an adornment for the triumph of Claudius Caesar. From this came her wealth and the wanton spirit which success breeds.Tacitus’s lead is then followed by the early modern writers in the literary and non-literary texts of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries but it is Hector Boece who extrapolates a little on Tacitus’s description of this queen. Of this story Boece writes: "Caratak fled to his gud mother Cartumandua quene of Scottish, quhilk eftir deceis of his fader Cadallane wes maryit apon ane valyeant knycht namit Uenisius. Curtumandia seyng Caratak distitute of all consolatioun deliuerit hym to Ostorius."  What is intriguing with the Scottish chronicles are the references to Cartimandua as a Scottish queen and as Caratak's stepmother who betrayed him to the Roman authorities. This same Cartimandua later imprisoned her second husband, Venutius and his friends, but after their liberation by Corbreid, the King of Scotland, and the brother of the now dead Caratak, Corbreid has her executed and refers to her as a "we[k]it woman" (wicked woman). This is the same story told by Holinshed in his 'Historie of Scotland' and is simply taken from Boece. Holinshed writes: "He [Caratak] fled for succor vnto his stepmother Cartimandua: but as aduersitie findeth few friends, she caused him to be taken and deliuered vnto Ostorius." Later he refers to her as "that vnkind stepmother of Caratake."
The mechanism by which Cymbeline enables this concluding alliance between ancient Britain and ancient Rome is the anachronistic interpolation of a decadent contemporary Italy into the action [...] Since Cymbeline represents contemporary Italy as the antithesis of Roman virtue, the way is free for Britain to assert its own status as the implicit heir to Roman civilisation and imperial power.What is more, the queen's manipulation of "Strange ling’ring poisons" (I. V. 34) positions her as someone who traffics in Italian vices, bringing them to the heart of Britain and exposing the English to the alien influences of another culture. The queen’s and her son’s resistance to the civilising effects of the Roman Empire and their consequent relapse in allegiance is possibly linked to flaws in their natures and serves as a warning that any civility gained by submission could, over time, lead to atavism. Their cultural assimilation is considered a failure for it has not prevented their disloyalty to the superior power of Rome.
Till the injurious Romans did extortSuch a definition of empire makes it difficult to understand Cymbeline's subsequent submission to Rome. Maley, applying the postcolonial notion of mimicry to his analysis of Cymbeline, argues that England’s movement of national liberation from Rome also involved a necessary "rapprochement between Britain and Rome."  This "rapprochement" repeated ancient Rome’s own colonial project but also involved a certain degree of ambivalence as Maley writes: "In Cymbeline, it is a question of autonomy and independence from Rome, but at the same time the imperial design was patented by Rome, and thus Britain pays tribute by default." Cymbeline may have put his position of opposition to Rome down to the influence of his wicked wife, but he also concedes the civilising influence of Rome, where he was educated as a child: "Thy Caesar knighted me; my youth I spent/ Much under him; of him I gathered honour" (III, I, 78-79). 
This tribute from us we were free. Caesar's ambition,
Which swelled so much that it did almost stretch
The sides o' th' world, against all colour here
Did put the yoke upon's, which to shake off
Becomes a warlike people, whom we reckon
Ourselves to be.
(III, i, 45-52)
 James I. Political Works. pp. 271-3. cf. Axton, M. The Queen's Two Bodies: Drama and the Elizabethan Succession. London: London Royal Historical Society, 1977. p. 133.
 Dutton, R. Mastering the Revels: The Regulation and Censorship of English Renaissance Drama. Iowa: University of Iowa, 1991. p. 109.
 For information about the etymology of the word Britain see Alan MacColl's essay, 'The Meaning of “Britain” in Medieval and Early Modern England'. He also gives a brief overview of the historiographical and geo-political origins of the terms England and Britain in the Journal of British Studies (Volume 45, Number 2, April 2006, pp. 248-269). See also Mason, R. A. `Scotching the Brut: History and National Myth in Sixteenth-Century Britain', in Roger A. Mason (ed.), Scotland and England, 1286-1815 (Edinburgh, 1987).
 For a discussion of this point see Mary Floyd-Wilson’s review of the historiographical texts of the period in her chapter, ‘Cymbeline’s angels’ in English Ethnicity and Race in Early Modern Drama (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
 Mikalachki, J. The Legacy of Boadicea: Gender and Nation. London: Routledge, 1998. p. 108.
 In Rowley's A Shoo-maker a Gentleman (London: I. Okes, 1638), the Romans land in Dover (recalling Julius Caesar’s landings). Act V.
 Maley, W. 'This sceptred isle': Shakespeare and the British problem.' in Shakespeare and National Culture. Joughin, J. J. (ed.) Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997. p. 95.
 Levack, B. The Formation of the British State: England, Scotland, and the Union, 1603-1707. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1987. p. 2. cf. Maley. 'This sceptred isle.' p. 97.
 Ibid. p. 92.
 Monmouth, Geoffrey of. The History of the Kings of England. 1136. reprinted London: Penguin, 1966. iv. 3 – iv. 7. pp. 108 – 113. For an historical and archaeological analysis of Caesar’s two expeditions to Britain, his second successful landing and his failure to add Britain to his conquests, see Graham Webster’s book, The Roman Invasion of Britain (London: Routledge, 1993, pp. 36-40).
 Gent, R.A (Variant name forms:Armin, Robert).The valiant Welshman, or, The true chronicle history of the life and valiant deeds of Caradoc. fl. 1610. London : Printed for William Gilbertson.1663. Act II, scene i.
 Curran, J.E. 'Royalty Unlearned, Honor Untaught: British Savages and Historiographical Change in Cymbeline,' in Comparative Drama. 31: 2, pp. 277-303, summer 1997. p. 10.
 London, Lud's town, was founded by the Romans as Londinium, following Claudius's conquest of England. See the Museum of London's site for the archaeological evidence of this;
 Op. Cit., Curran. p. 8.
 On the significance of the characters’ names see Curran's article and Warren's Appendix to Cymbeline (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998) p. 265.
 Baker, D. Maley, W. (Eds.) British Identities and English Renaissance Literature. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. p. 7.
 Ibid. p. 6.
 Vernon Snow notes that Shakespeare was working from the 2nd edition of Holinshed Chronicles for Cymbeline. See Holinshed, R. Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland. 2nd edition. London: Henry Denham. 1587. reprinted 1808, 1965, New York, Ams Press, inc. 1976. p. v.
 Op. Cit., Mikalachki. p. 102.
 Boudica is called Voadicia in the English chronicles and Voada in the Scottish chronicles.
 Op. Cit., Mikalachki. p. 102.
 Floyd-Wilson, M. ‘Delving to the root: Cymbeline, Scotland, and the English race.’ Op. Cit., Baker and Maley. Chapter 7, p. 114, note 7.
 Op. Cit., Floyd-Wilson, M. English Ethnicity and Race. p. 176. Yet, Roger Warren also refers to oral tradition and folk tales as a source for Cymbeline, identifying the fairy tale of Snow White as a convincing model for Cymbeline's scenario despite the lack of any surviving written version from the sixteenth century. Warren justifies this position by stating that Cymbeline's "wicked queen" is made "conventionally grotesque after a fairy tale fashion rather than a figure of genuine evil" in order to avoid "the risk of any equation with James's own queen", a necessary proviso if we consider that the character of Cymbeline was himself identified with James and that Cymbeline's queen was used to make a political statement regarding England's national status, its foreign expansion and the position of women in society. (Op. Cit., Warren. pp. 16 & 62.)
 Ibid. Floyd-Wilson. English Ethnicity and Race. p. 174.
 Ibid. p. 175.
 Holinshed, R. Chronicles of Scotland. The Second Volume.'The historie of Scotland, 1586. p. 46, and Boece. The croniklis of Scotland. Edinburgh: Thomas Davidson, 1540..The thrid buke, fo. cccii.
 Ibid. Holinshed. chapter 3. p. 485.
 Ibid. chapter 10. p. 495. This error is also referred to by Holinshed earlier in his work in chapter 3. p. 484, where he writes, "This Aruiragus, otherwise called by the Britains Meuricus or Mauus, of Tacitus Prasutagus, is also named Armiger in the English chronicle."
 Op. Cit., Floyd-Wilson. English Ethnicity. p. 176.
 In Act IV, scene iv she is also referred to as a "warlike Dame" which suggests Gent's familiarity with the Scottish sources.
 Op. Cit., Holinshed's 'Historie of England.' Book 4, chapter 10, pp. 495- 496.
 Ibid. chapter 6, p. 488.
 This argument is later supported by the reference that Holinshed makes to the British refusal to let their daughters marry the Picts (of unclear origin) who had been defeated by Marius, king of the Britons, but allowed to settle in the uninhabited Northern parts of Scotland. They instead requested the Scots, who inhabited Ireland, to send their women to the Pictish men. 'Historie of England.' Book 4, chapter 15, p. 503. Boece's Scottish Chronicles is different in that he says it was the people called "Murrays" (from Germany – see The feird buke, fo. cli) who fought with the Britons, Scots and Picts under Corbreid, king of Scotland and sister to Voada, against the Romans and after were given lands in Scotland and were married to Scotish virgins. Op. Cit., Boece. The feird buke, fo. clii.
 Op. Cit., Floyd-Wilson. English Ethnicity. p. 176.
 Op. Cit., Boece. The thrid buke, fo. cccii.
 Ibid. Boece. The thrid buke, fo. ccciiii. Note too, the use of the names of the father and son, Arviragus and Guiderius for the two brothers in Shakespeare's Cymbeline, although Guiderius was also the name of Cymbeline's son in the Scottish and English chronicles and succeeded him as King of Britain.
 Op. Cit., Holinshed. 'Historie of Scotland.' p. 51.
 Op. Cit., Boece. The thrid buke, fo. ccci.
 Op. Cit., Holinshed, 'Historie of England.' Book 4, chapter 3, p. 485.
 Op. Cit., Holinshed. 'Historie of Scotland.' p. 49. On p. 51 Holinshed also notes Boece's confusion of Anglesey with the Isle of Man.
 Op. Cit., Holinshed's 'Historie of England.' Book 4, chapter 8, p. 493.
 Spenser, E. A View of the State of Ireland (1633). Edited by Hadfield, A. Maley, W. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1997. p. 45.
 Op. Cit., Holinshed's, 'Historie of Scotland.' p.54.
 Op. Cit., Boece. The feird buke, fo. clv.
 Ibid. Boece. The thrid buke, fo. ccci.
 Boling, R. J. 'Anglo-Welsh Relations in Cymbeline,' in Shakespeare Quarterly. Vol. 51, No.1. (Spring, 2000), pp. 33-66. p. 65.
Griffiths, H. 'The Geographies of Shakespeare's Cymbeline,' in English Literary Renaissance. 34: 3, pp. 339-58, 2004. p. 339.
 A correlative which seems to date back to Geoffrey of Monmouth's History of the Kings of Britain and is examined in MacColl's essay in which he writes, "the construction of Britain as England ... is the primary meaning in the core tradition of medieval and early modern English national historiography" (Op. Cit., p. 249). However, Wales too was sometimes identified as a British space. For Camden Britain and Wales are synonymous, "replaced and displaced by the 'English-Saxons.'" Op. Cit., Griffiths. p. 341.
 Op. Cit., Griffiths. p. 339.
 Ibid. p. 345.
 Sullivan, G. The Drama of Landscape: Land, Property and Social Relations on the Early Modern Stage. California: Stanford University Press, 1999. p.146.
 Op. Cit., Sullivan. p.157.
 Op. Cit., Floyd-Wilson. English Ethnicity. p. 160.
 Op. Cit., Maley. 'This Sceptered Isle.' p. 88.
 Christopher Highley's book is particularly informative on this point. His reference to Mortimer in Henry IV, who "goes native," is interesting for he seemingly "embodies the oldest and most pervasive of English anxieties about contact with the Irish: like those Anglo-Norman and English settlers who had abandoned past loyalties and assimilated themselves to Gaelic culture." Shakespeare, Spenser, and the Crisis In Ireland. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. p. 90.
 Op. Cit., Boling p. 56.
 Regarding the origin and spelling of Innogen's name see Warren's appendix to his Cymbeline. Op. Cit., p. 265.
 Op. Cit. Maley. 'This Sceptered Isle,' pp. 91-92.
 Dio Cassius. Roman History, lxii, 1, 1-12. (Loeb Classical Library.) London: Harvard University Press, 1995. Book LXII, p. 85.
Watts, D. Boudicca's Heirs. London: Routledge, 2005. p. 94.
 Ibid. p. 95.
 Op. Cit., Holinshed. Book 4, chapter 10, p. 496.
 John Speed refers to the "tresses of her yellow hair," and "a kirtle thereunder very thicke pleited." See The Theatre of the empire of Great Britaine. London: William Hall. 1612. Book 6, p. 199.
 Op. Cit., Spenser. p. 56.
 Ibid. p. 62. See also pages 44, 45, 63 and 64.
 Clapham, J. Historie of England. London: Simmes. 1602. 'The first Booke', p. 42. William Camden refers to Boudica as being of the "Blood royal." Britain, or A Chorographicall Description of the Most flourishing kingdoms, England, Scotland, and Ireland. Translated into English by Philemon Holland. London: Eliot Court’s Press, 1610. p. 50. See also Speed. Op. Cit., p. 198.
 Op. Cit., Mikalachki. p. 141.
 Ibid. p. 16.
 Tacitus. Histories. London: Harvard University Press, 1968. Book III, xliv-xlvi.
 Ibid. Book III, xlv.
 Richmond, I.A., 'Queen Cartimandua,' Journal of Roman Studies 44, 50 ff, pp. 43-52, 1954. pp. 50-52.
 Op. Cit., Tacitus. Histories. Book III, xlv.
 Ibid. Book III, xliv.
 Op. Cit. Boece. The thrid buke, fo. cccvii.
 Ibid. The thrid buke, fo. cccic.
 Op. Cit., Holinshed. 'Historie of Scotland.' p. 50. Both Boece and Holinshed followed Tacitus when referring to Cartimandua but no mention is made of any family connection between the two leaders.
 Ibid. p. 51.
 Op. Cit., Mikalachki. p. 114.
 Parolin, P. 'Anachronistic Italy: Cultural Alliances and National Idenity in Cymbeline.' Shakespeare Studies, Vol 30, 2002. pp. 188-218.
 Ibid. p. 200.
 Ibid. p. 189.
 I. i. 85.
 Op. Cit., Gent, R.A.. Act V. Scene ii.
 Ubaldini, P. Le Vite delle donne illustri, del regno d’Inghilterra, e del regno di Scotia, London : Apresso Giouanni Wolfio Inghilese, 1591, chapters 8 and 9.
 Speed, J. The History of Great Britaine under the conquest of ye Romans, Saxons, Danes and Normans. London: Iohn Sudbury & Georg Humble, 1611, chapter 7, 19. p. 199. Also printed the following year in Speed’s The Theatre of the empire of Great Britaine (London: William Hall).
 Maley, W. ‘Postcolonial Shakespeare: British Identity Formation And Cymbeline’. Richards, J. & Knowles, J (Editors). Shakespeare's Late Plays: New Readings. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1991. p. 148.
 Ibid. p. 150.
 Holinshed's 'Historie of England' tells us that Kymbeline was brought up in Rome, that he served in the wars under Augustus Caesar and that he was knighted by him. Book 3, chapter 18, p. 479.
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