“Am I Not an Ass?”: Masochism and Reprobation in The Changeling
Gabriel Rieger
Concord University
grieger@concord.edu
Gabriel Rieger. "“Am I Not an Ass?”: Masochism and Reprobation in The Changeling". Early Modern Literary Studies 15.2 (2010-11):3.1-34 <URL: http://purl.oclc.org/emls/15-2/riegami.htm>
- For
more than fifty years, sexuality and theology have been central to our
understanding of The Changeling. In her introduction to The
Changeling in Thomas Middleton: The Collected Works, Annabel
Patterson observes that the shifting cultural mores of the late twentieth
century “make it time for a new account of The Changeling, one that
might beg to differ from N. W. Bawcutt’s brilliant and humane introduction to
his Revels edition in 1958” (1623). She goes on to state that:
Criticism of Jacobean drama was then predominantly ethical in tone.
Bawcutt declared that “the moral world” of the play “is the orthodox Christian
universe of sin and punishment”, and at the end, as the betrayed husband offers
his father-in-law the filial duty that his daughter had withheld, “moral order
is finally established”. Today, ethical judgement seems more complicated, and
readers and audiences will have contradictory responses.
She goes on to
declare that the “Christian-ethical vocabulary has been forgotten by readers
accustomed to Freudian and Lacanian psychoanalysis, for whom sexuality is the
power to which we owe allegiance.” There can be no question that sexuality is
central to our understanding of The Changeling, but attempts to oppose a
“sexual” reading of the tragedy with a Christian reading are misguided. In the
pre-Puritan world of Jacobean England, the divide between religion and
sexuality was not so wide as one might imagine. Sexuality colored religious
thinking in some remarkable ways. For the contemporary critic, any engagement
with sexuality is likely to be rooted in psychoanalysis, and indeed there have
been some attempts to read the characters of The Changeling, and their
motivations, psychoanalytically, although these have largely served to
highlight the difficulties in doing so.[1]
This has not, however, diminished the appeal of psychoanalytic readings,
particularly for directors of the play in contemporary performance. In their
2004 article “Does Beatrice-Joanna Have a Subtext?: The Changeling on
the London Stage,” Roberta Barker and David Nicol examine the history of stage
representations of The Changeling, particularly interpretations of
Beatrice-Joanna’s relationship to the character of De Flores. In the article,
Barker and Nicol observe how, in “a striking example of the process by
which critical reception of one production can lead to the establishment of
accepted interpretations for the next,” there has developed a theatrical
reading of Beatrice-Joanna as “a spoilt child” whose decision to suborn the
murder of her fiancé is “only a precursor to her slow realization of her
repressed, subtextual desire” for De Flores. In this reading, the play becomes what
the critics, quoting Malcolm Rutherford, call “‘a warped love story’” “that
culminates in a blood-soaked romantic apotheosis” (2). The
authors go on to articulate how:Our paper
contests this reading – now virtually canonical in the theatre - on two counts.
First, we argue that its post-Freudian appropriation of an early modern
text necessitates many overt misreadings and misinterpretations. To be sure,
all contemporary performances of early modern playtexts depend on cultural
appropriations, and a return to their ‘authentic’ meanings is probably neither
possible nor desirable. But this particular appropriation is also questionable
on contemporary feminist terms, for its erotic treatment of the central scene
in which De Flores demands that Beatrice Joanna reward his murder of Piracquo
with sexual favours risks affirming that Middleton and Rowley’s heroine
actually desires a rape she pleads against in the lines they wrote for her. (3)
The authors further declare that
this “dominant theatrical reading” of the character “speaks productively
neither to her cultural origins nor to our own constructions of gender” and is
therefore “ripe for re-evaluation.”
- While I will not
contest the authors’ assessment of the theatrical tradition surrounding The
Changeling, I will note that the conflicted desire which directors have
attributed to Beatrice-Joanna might be better attributed to the character of De
Flores. If recent theatrical representations have given us a Beatrice-Joanna
drawn to De Flores and the degradation that he represents against her better
judgement, and even against her will, we must acknowledge that the text has
given us a De Flores who is drawn to Beatrice-Joanna in precisely the same
way. De Flores is covetous of Beatrice-Joanna’s beauty and, more subtly, her
class position, but his feelings for her are nevertheless ambivalent. As surely
as De Flores represents degradation for Beatrice-Joanna, she likewise
represents degradation for him.
- In this essay, I
posit an alternative reading of this tragedy, as well as a potential justification
for that reading. I argue that The Changeling presents a narrative of
masochistic degradation as an object lesson in spiritual reprobation, an object
lesson intended specifically to answer the Arminian heresy which devilled
Jacobean Calvinists (such as the playwright Thomas Middleton) in the 1620’s,
the decade in which The Changeling was written and acted. A close
textual analysis of The Changeling reveals that the play does have a
powerful masochistic subtext, but that subtext is not anchored on the character
of Beatrice-Joanna; rather, it is anchored on her antagonist, De Flores.
- While it is not my intention to undertake a “post-Freudian appropriation
of an early modern text,” I will nevertheless maintain that the erotic (or
eroticized) desire for degradation, what a contemporary reader would call
“masochism,” did exist in Jacobean London, even if it was not articulated in
Freudian terms. Indeed, there have already been some “post-Freudian” analyses
of The Changeling, including Emil Roy’s “Sexual Paradox in The
Changeling” and Felicity Rosslyn’s “Villainy, Virtue and Projection”,
although neither of these studies addresses the specific inquiry of my essay.[2]
- De Flores is the
character who suffers the torments of conflicted, i.e. masochistic,
desire, and it is De Flores who must attempt to construct a rational narrative
out of his irrational compulsions. The language which he employs in this
attempt is drawn repeatedly, morbidly, to theology. This morbid engagement
with theology provides us with a potential explanation for the character’s
compulsion, an explanation which is, not surprisingly, rooted in the particular
political and religious circumstances of Jacobean London.
- De
Flores demonstrates conflicted desire from his first appearance in the
tragedy. He interrupts Beatrice-Joanna’s flirtation with Alsemero in the first
scene and undertakes the following exchange with her:
DE FLORES: Lady, your father –
BEATRICE:
Is in health, I hope.
DE FLORES: Your eye shall instantly instruct you, lady.
He’s coming hitherward.
BEATRICE:
What needed then
Your duteous preface? I had rather
He had come unexpected: you must stall
A good presence with unnecessary blabbing,
And how welcome for your part you are
I’m sure you know. (91-99)[3]
Beatrice-Joanna’s
insult is shocking in its vehemence and abruption, but it sets the stage for
the action which is to follow. De Flores, in his position as servant, reacts to
it only in aside, an aside which expresses the painful paradox of his desire.
He asks: Will’t never mend, this scorn,
One side nor other? Must I be enjoin'd
To follow still whilst she flies from me?
Well, fates, do your worst; I’ll please myself
with sight
Of her, at all opportunities,
If but to spite her anger. I know she had
Rather see me dead than living – and yet
She knows no cause for’t but a peevish will.
(99-101)
In
these lines, De Flores expresses
the conflict inherent in his desire for Beatrice-Joanna. Her scorn cannot mend
on “One side nor other,” and so he is “enjoined” to “follow” her “whilst she
flies” from him. His circumstance is not constructed rationally; he assumes
that it has been ordained by the “Fates,” and that Beatrice-Joanna has no cause
to scorn him other than “a peevish will.” The choice to follow her is not, in
De Flores’ own construction, a choice; he is “enjoin’d” to follow her seemingly
against his own will. The word “enjoined” is significant here, carrying with it
the implication of religious devotion, of divine compulsion. From his first
appearance in the tragedy, De Flores constructs his desire for Beatrice-Joanna
in theological terms.
- This
paradoxical construction of desire is manifest throughout the tragedy. De
Flores repeatedly acknowledges the extent to which his desire for
Beatrice-Joanna discomforts and degrades him, and he laments the fact that he
is nonetheless drawn to her. Indeed, if we were to read the character in
contemporary Freudian terms we would call his desire for Beatrice-Joanna
masochistic, because it represents a desire for his own suffering. This desire
for suffering has been remarked upon in regard to Beatrice-Joanna, and indeed
serves as a central plank in what Nicol and Barker see as the traditional
theatrical construction of the character.[4] What may be less apparent, however,
is the way in which the character of De Flores suffers. The conventional
reading of De Flores has been that he is a Vice figure, an instrument of
degradation for Beatrice-Joanna, the “serpent” who destroys her paradise
(Daalder, xxvi). Practically no attention has been thus far paid to the
ways in which De Flores is a victim of his own, and his eventual lover’s,
erotic appetites.
- I
acknowledge that this is a potentially radical reading of the character and his
tragedy, but there is considerable textual evidence to support it. When we see
De Flores lamenting the scorn that will “never mend” on “[o]ne side nor other,”
i.e. the scorn that he can neither resist nor escape, it is clear that
he finds it to be both attractive and repulsive, and this duality creates a
tension that tortures him. We see even stronger evidence of this duality at the
close of the same scene when De Flores stoops to retrieve the glove that
Beatrice-Joanna has dropped as a courtly favour for her beloved, Alsemero.
Beatrice-Joanna is disgusted and demands of him “Who bade you stoop?” before
declaring that the gloves “touch my hand no more: / There, for t’other’s sake I
part with this - / Take ‘em and draw thine own skin off with ‘em” (226-229).
- Far
from being repulsed by Beatrice-Joanna’s contemptuous gesture, De Flores finds
it weirdly alluring. Indeed, he meditates on it and in so doing he
reconstructs it as not only a degradation, but also as an erotic enticement.
It becomes for him an extension (and an inversion) of the courtly love
narrative Beatrice-Joanna had intended for Alsemero. Instead of pursuing the
lady’s favour in the fashion of a courtly lover, De Flores pursues her scorn.
Instead of retrieving a love token, De Flores retrieves a token of contempt. He
takes up the glove and declares:
Here's a favour
come with a
mischief: Now I know
She had rather wear my pelt tann'd in a pair
Of dancing pumps than I should thrust my fingers
Into her sockets here. I know
she hates me,
Yet cannot choose but love her:
No matter: if but to vex her I'll haunt her still;
Though I get nothing else, I'll have my will (229-235).
De
Flores constructs the dropped glove as a “favour,’ but he acknowledges that the
favour comes “with a mischief”; it is both a love token and an insult. He
follows this observation with a perverse fantasy in which he imagines himself
flayed, seemingly at Beatrice-Joanna’s behest, and objectified. He imagines her
desire as occasioning the loss of his agency and indeed even his identity; he
is reduced to “a pair / Of dancing pumps” to be placed under her feet.[5]
- While the character is fantasizing his own
degradation, however, he is also fantasizing aggression. He is apparently
“thrust[ing] [his] fingers / Into her sockets,” defiling her dropped gloves
with his unwelcome touch (Daalder xxvi). Even as he fantasizes his own
degradation, he enacts a metaphoric degradation on Beatrice-Joanna, using the
glove as her surrogate. The phallic implications of this scene can scarcely be
overstated; De Flores is enacting a symbolic rape. He is simultaneously
aggressing and submitting, and this paradox reflects his bifurcated erotic
desire. At the same time, De Flores is here inverting the conventional
narrative of the courtly lover, picking up the love token that is in actuality
a token of hatred and building an ironic quest narrative around it accordingly.
- For all of this, De Flores remarks that he
“cannot choose but love” Beatrice-Joanna. This love takes the form of a
strangely skewed erotic desire, one that is seemingly inseparable from the
contempt she expresses for him and the contempt he likewise feels for her. In
the face of his practical circumstances, however, he sees this separation as
immaterial, remarking “No matter: if but to vex her I'll haunt her still.” De
Flores derives satisfaction not only from the discomfort that Beatrice-Joanna
is causing him, but also from the discomfort that he is in turn causing to her.
There is something in his aggression against her that is personally
satisfying. In De Flores’ construction, erotic desire has been displaced onto
a system of degradations, both experienced and inflicted.
- De Flores returns to this theme in II.i, again
lamenting not only the degradations he suffers at the hands of Beatrice-Joanna,
but the lengths to which he will go to pursue them. In lines 27 through 35 of
the scene, De Flores declares that:
Whatever ails me, now a-late especially
I can as well be hang'd as refrain seeing her.
Some twenty times a day, nay not so little,
Do I force errands, frame ways and excuses
To come into her sight - and I have small reason for't,
And less encouragement: for she baits me still
Every time worse than other, does profess herself
The cruelest enemy to my face in town… .
In
this passage De Flores recognizes that he is unwell. He suffers with a malady
which he cannot name, identifying it only as “Whatever ails me.”
Beatrice-Joanna’s presence, with all of its attendant humiliations, is life to
him, and its opposite, her absence, is death in that to “refrain from seeing
her” is equivalent to being “hanged.” De Flores experiences here a specific
erotic compulsion against his own will and judgment. He is once again, as he
noted in I.i, “enjoined” to pursue her.
- Beatrice-Joanna, for her part, “baits” him with
progressive intensity, professing herself to be his “cruelest enemy.” This is
an evolution in the character, at least insofar as De Flores’ perception is
concerned; she not only hates him and finds his presence “vex[ing],” she is now
aggressively taunting him. To bait in the Jacobean period carries with it
the association of blood sport, particularly bear and bull baiting, with the
implication that Beatrice-Joanna, despite her protestations to the contrary,
derives some measure of pleasure from her abusive interactions with De Flores.
At the very least, De Flores suggests as much.
- De Flores returns to the language of religious
devotion in line 50 of the same scene, remarking how Beatrice-Joanna “turns her
blessed eye” upon him, inspiring him to “endure all storms” before he takes his
leave of it. He characterizes the “storm” specifically as a “storm of hail”
whose “stones” pelt him. While De Flores’ ostensible reference here is to a
natural phenomenon, it is difficult not to make some association with a
biblical stoning, particularly given his description of the “blessed eye” of
Beatrice-Joanna which inspires him to endure the abuse. In this declaration, De
Flores constructs himself as a martyr, one who suffers violence for the sake of
God.[6] The god of
De Flores’ idolatry (to borrow Juliet’s phrase) is not the benevolent Christian
God, however, nor even the wrathful God of the Old Testament; it is the
“blessed eye” of the disdainful Beatrice-Joanna.[7]
- Throughout his interactions with
Beatrice-Joanna, there is evidence that De Flores recognizes the perversity of
his inverted courtly quest. After having delivered her father’s summons to her
in 2.1 and being scorned for it, De Flores remarks in aside:
Why, am not I an ass to devise ways
Thus to be railed at? I must see her still;
I shall have a mad qualm within this hour again,
I know't, and, like a common Garden-bull
I do but take breath to be lugged again.
What this may bode I know not. (II.i.77-82)
What
this bodes, of course, is De Flores’ descent into murder and his eventual
death, as well as the death of Beatrice-Joanna. De Flores cannot understand
what is happening to him here, although perhaps we can. The only explanations
he can fathom for devising ways “to be railed at” is that he is stupid, i.e.
“an ass,” or crazed, i.e. afflicted with “a mad qualm.” He once again
characterizes his existence as bestial and engages the imagery of blood sport,
in this case likening himself to a “Garden-bull” that cannot reason in its
circumstance and does “but take breath to be lugged again.” De Flores reduces
his entire existence to a spectacle of entertainment, degrading himself,
through his language, even to the level of inhumanity. It is a degradation that
he embraces even if he cannot understand it, declaring that “[w]hat this may
bode I know not.”
- In attempting to excuse his “mad qualm,” De
Flores reasons that he is simply awaiting Beatrice-Joanna’s eventual favour,
but it seems unlikely that he really expects such a favour to come. His own
declarations notwithstanding, De Flores is not stupid. He merely lacks an
understanding of his own nature. De Flores does not pursue Beatrice-Joanna out
of the hope that she will favour him; he pursues her because he craves the
degradation she causes him, as well as the degradation he can eventually cause
to her.
- The convenient term to describe this seemingly
illogical desire to afflict and receive degradation is sadomasochism, but the
term is anachronistic and, frankly, inadequate to describe the character of De
Flores. There were neither sadists nor masochists, at least insofar as we
understand those terms, in the seventeenth century, although there were
certainly those individuals who eroticized suffering and degradation, both
their own and others’. This being the case, how are we to understand the
character of De Flores? A close reading of the tragedy makes it apparent that
De Flores evinces an erotic orientation that we might today call
sadomasochistic; i.e. he wishes to degrade, and to be degraded by, the
object of his erotic desire. What is less apparent is the reason for this.
What do the playwrights gain by constructing De Flores as one who eroticizes
degradation, both his own and others’?
- We know that the early moderns sometimes engaged
in practices that we might call sadomasochistic, even if the term is
anachronistic. In setting out to construct a sadomasochistic orientation for De
Flores, the playwrights would have had models upon which to build. Indeed, the
rigidly hierarchical social system of early modern England was itself
predicated on a network of highly visible degradations and elevations, and the
unprecedented fluidity of Jacobean London would have brought this predication
into sharp relief. It is not surprising, then, to see these degradations and
elevations eroticized on the stage.
- That said, there is another explanation for De
Flores’ erotic desire for degradation, one that is even more specifically
rooted in the Jacobean world. De Flores, “enjoined” as he is to follow his
scornful beloved, fits neatly into a narrative of reprobation entirely in
keeping with his author’s Calvinist theology, and especially suited to the
historical and political moment in which he exists.[8] In
Calvinist theology, the reprobate sinner is compelled, or “enjoined”, to
embrace the degradation of sin, the consummate destruction of the self. This
theology fits neatly with De Flores’ character; he is aware that Beatrice hates
him, “yet cannot choose but love” her. His compulsory embrace of degradation,
which is mysterious to him and which might strike the contemporary reader as
masochistic, makes logical sense when read in the context of seventeenth
century Calvinism. This perhaps raises another question; what is it about The
Changeling, and its particular historical moment, which lends itself so
particularly to Calvinist allegory?
- A. A. Bromham has already examined the Calvinist
dimensions of The Changeling in his The Changeling and the Years of
Crises, 1619-1624: A Hieroglyph of Britain. As Bromham notes:
In the early 1620’s the subdivision
of the true religion from within seemed threatened not simply by royal actions
and decisions … but by a group of churchmen within the Church of England, the
Arminian faction, which began to gain influence in the latter years of the
second decade of the century. There seems at this time to have been a need to
define clearly the true religion in a series of works…. The Changeling
is … very concerned with matters of human knowledge and perception, with
questions of how we can know truth, and this concern is linked to the
Calvinist-Arminian controversy. (123)
Arminianism
was a source of considerable anxiety to English Calvinists, and to the nation
as a whole in the Jacobean period. The Arminians, with their rejection of
predestination and their perceived deviation from the principles of sola
scriptura, were regarded by traditional Calvinists as not only heretical
but also politically dangerous, being less antagonistic to England’s Catholic enemies. This became a particularly pressing issue as the reign of James
progressed and the king began promoting more and more Arminians to positions of
prominence.
- To be certain, the confrontation between
Arminianism and mainstream Calvinism did not emerge fully-formed in the
seventeenth century. It had been developing for centuries prior, and its seeds
had arguably been sown in the 5th century, when Pelagius pioneered
his doctrine of salvation sola fide, which was adapted by his disciples
into what would come to be known as the Pelagian heresy of salvation through
the combination of faith and works. This heresy, which St. Augustine had
opposed in part through the doctrine of predestination, persisted in varying
forms into the Middle Ages and beyond, when it was taken up by Jacob Arminius.
Arminius, a professor of theology at Leiden, was asked by officials of the city
of Amsterdam to mount an opposition to a strain of antelapsarian predestination
which was being promulgated by the followers of Theodore Beza. In constructing
this opposition, Arminius reached the conclusion that predestination, as it was
generally understood, could not be reconciled with Scripture unless it was
contingent upon faith. The ensuing controversy eventually led to the Synod of
Dort in 1618, which set forth the doctrine of quinquarticular, or “five-point,”
Calvinism (Bangs 138-141). The Synod also effectively coalesced the varying Arminian
factions into one essentially unified group and set the stage for the Arminian
controversy which gripped London at roughly the same time, some four years
prior to the initial performance of The Changeling.
- Religious ideology in Jacobean London was
volatile in the extreme, although perhaps less so than it had been under James’
predecessor, Elizabeth. While James was able to control the worst religious
contentions in the early years of his reign, his staunchly Protestant subjects
maintained a powerful antipathy toward the Catholic church, an antipathy
expressed in pulpit rhetoric and pamphlets (including Thomas Middleton’s The
Two Gates of Salvation or The Marriage of the Old and New Testament). While
the Arminian faction considered themselves to be Protestant, they were not in
step with traditional Calvinism and were widely suspected of harboring Catholic
sympathies, if not outright Catholic tendencies.[9]
- While James was ostensibly a supporter of the
Synod of Dort early in his reign, he softened his position as his reign
progressed, owing in part to the strain placed upon his nation by the Thirty
Years War. James was reluctant to commit English troops to the conflict,
despite pressures from conservative Calvinists to do so. While these conservative
Calvinists were advocating for war, James found political allies in what might
have once seemed an unlikely quarter, the Arminian faction. Possibly as a
result of this support, the king set about promoting some Arminians to
positions of prominence, much to the consternation of conservative Calvinists
(Bromham 124).
- Throughout this period of rising tension -- from
1618 into the 1620’s -- Thomas Middleton continued to produce socially and
politically informed drama. Indeed, the playwright was not averse to commenting
in his drama directly on current events. He had addressed the Thomas Overbury
murder case in his play The Witch (as well as in The Changeling),
and perhaps most famously, was reprimanded and fined for satirizing
recognizable public figures on the stage in his 1624 play A Game at Chess, a
circumstance which likely hastened his retirement from the stage. Given his
demonstrated Calvinist sympathies and his inclination to topical drama, it is
perhaps not surprising that Middleton would comment upon the Arminian
controversy in his work.
- As
Bromham demontrates, The Changeling might be read as a response to the
growing influence of Arminianism in English culture and political life. Bromham
posits in chapter four of his study that Alsemero serves as the play’s
refutation of Arminanism, since he is the “religious changeling” who attempts
to justify his devotions in the fashion of the Arminian bishops, but,
considering the strangely conflicted desire evinced in De Flores, there is a
case for reading De Flores as a refutation, as well (119). Whereas the
Arminians rejected the notion of strict predestination, in The Changeling,
Middleton presents his audience with a kind of dramatic parable of
predestination, or more specifically of its related concept, reprobation. We
return here to De Flores’ line from 1.1.100, in which the character is
“enjoined” to pursue Beatrice-Joanna and the painful degradation which she
represents. The word enjoin carried with it a pair of interconnected
meanings, both of which occur in the proto-reformation writings of John
Wycliffe.[10]
In one sense the word meant simply “to join together,” which is appropriate to
De Flores’ situation since he seeks conjugation with Beatrice-Joanna. At the
same time, however, Wycliffe uses the word to represent the imposition of a
penalty, particularly a penalty in regard to spiritual reparation. There is
thus a strong connotation of punishment in the word, which is likewise
appropriate to De Flores. He is punished by his devotion to Beatrice-Joanna,
and he is unable to escape that punishment even as he longs to do so.
- The importance of this duality can scarcely be
overstated. It fits neatly into a specific tenet of reprobation which was
central to Calvinsim, but which had existed for some time previously, at least
since the ninth century. Florus, deacon of Lyons, had pointed out in his Defense
of Predestination that:
… there is a double predestination: viz.
of some, who are elected into life; and of others, who are destined to death.
That men have, by nature, no free-will, except to what is evil. That the elect
are compelled to good. But that the reprobate are not compelled to sin: they
are only compelled to undergo the punishment which, by sin, they have merited.
(Toplady 1825, 317)
We
see in The Changeling a parable of reprobation which intersects neatly
with Florus’ teaching. De Flores is the reprobate sinner, consumed by his
carnal appetites. He is at the same time a Satanic figure, bearing in his very
name the image of the de-flowerer, the despoiler of Eden. This identification
underscores his reprobation. Similarly, he is constructed by Beatrice-Joanna
as a “serpent” at the beginning of the play in 1.1.223, and again at the end
when she notes that she has “kissed poison” and “strok’d a serpent” (5.3.66)
for the sake of Alsemero’s love. In 3.4.165 she raises the question “was my
creation in the womb so curst / It must engender with a viper first?”. Throughout
the tragedy, De Flores is constructed as the serpent, with not only all of the
attendant lapsarian associations, but the implicit phallic associations, as
well. We see here the character intricately bound up with notions of both
temptation and corruption, particularly carnal corruption. De Flores’
masochism, his compulsion to experience degradation, is bound up with his
Satanism; the two qualities are united in the context of Calvinist theology as
a kind of reprobation. De Flores, the reprobate sinner, is enjoined to embrace
his degradation, even as he suffers the pain of that embrace.
- As we have established, one of the most striking
differences, perhaps the defining difference, between Arminiansim and what we
might call “orthodox” Calvinism is that the Arminians rejected, or at least
qualified, the doctrine of predestination. By constructing the character of De
Flores as a reprobate sinner who literalizes his reprobation through his erotic
embrace of degradation -- the sinner degraded to the level of “common garden
bull,” subjected to “mad qualms” -- the Calvinist playwright presents an object
lesson for his audience, illustrating and objectifying the power of reprobation
and perhaps providing a partial answer to the Arminian heresy.
- This object lesson becomes clearer in 2.2 of the
tragedy, when Beatrice-Joanna commissions De Flores to murder Alonzo. De
Flores describes the charge as “a service that I kneel to you for,” to which
Beatrice-Joanna cautions “There’s horror in my service, blood and danger.” De
Flores responds without hesitation, finishing out the meter of her line when he
replies:
If you knew
How sweet it were to me to be employed
In any act of yours, you would say then
I failed, and used not reverence enough
When I receive the charge on’t. (121-124)
In
Calvinist theology, nothing is so degrading as sin. De Flores here entreats
for sin in language which, as in his earlier ruminations, suggests a religious
obligation. He “kneel[s]” to Beatrice-Joanna for it, again placing her in the
position of a divinity as he did in 2.1.50-51 when he endured “storms” for the
sake of her “blessed eye”. He underscores this notion when he refers to his
insufficient “reverence” upon receiving the charge. At the same time, he
suggests the erotic enticement which the act represents for him when he
declares the employment to be “sweet”, a word closely associated with both
erotic pleasure and bodily corruption.[11] He continues this association in
line 134, when he declares that “the thought ravishes.”
- He
is drawn, passionately, religiously, to embrace the sinful degradation, the
“horror,” “blood and danger” which Beatrice-Joanna’s service represents. This
degradation is simultaneously erotic and corruptive, and the sensation of it
overwhelms him. De Flores’ lines here suggest the complexity of his emotions,
as well as of his circumstances.
- This
complexity compounds as the tragedy progresses. Critics have long noted the
shift in the power dynamic between De Flores and Beatrice-Joanna in 3.4, but even
after that shift, after De Flores has declared her to be “a woman dipped in
blood,” no longer his divine superior but his equal, his attitude toward the
deed, and toward himself, remains conflicted.[12] In the dumb show which inaugurates
the fourth act, “Alonzo’s ghost appears to De Flores in the midst of his
smile, [and] startles him, showing him the hand whose finger he had cut
off.” This is the first indication of De Flores’ conflicted sensibility
following Alonzo’s murder. We see a further example in 4.2 when he says of
Tomazo, “I’d fain get off; this man’s not for my company. / I smell his
brother’s blood when I come near him” before declaring that “[h]is company e’en
o’erlays my conscience.” He experiences a similar crisis in 5.1, when the
ghost of Alonzo appears to him as “a mist of conscience.” In the following
scene he draws his sword in response to a blow from Tomazo, but declares at
line 32 “I cannot strike. I see his brother’s wounds / Fresh bleeding in his
eye, as in a crystal!”
- Even
after De Flores has coupled with Beatrice-Joanna, even as he enjoys “all the
sweets that ever darkness tasted,” he suffers remorse for the sin he has
committed. Even in the grip of this remorse, however, he cannot repent,
because he is a reprobate sinner. He has, in the words of Florus, “no free
will, except to what is evil.” He is “compelled to undergo the punishment
which, by sin, [he has] merited.” Even after he has attained what he assumed
to be his desire, congress with Beatrice-Joanna, he is not at peace. He
continues to be drawn, restlessly, to his own destruction, even to the
conclusion of the tragedy.
- Murder
begets murder as the tragedy progresses, building a narrative which lends
itself neatly to Bawcutt’s “orthodox Christian universe of sin and punishment,”
the forgotten “Christian-ethical” framework, to return to Patterson, in which
Middleton wrote. De Flores compounds his crimes of murder and adultery through
his murder of Diaphanta, and indeed reifies his damnation when he sets the
castle on fire.
- The ultimate expression of De Flores’
reprobation comes in the final act of the tragedy, at the point of his suicide.
As he prepares, literally, to destroy himself, De Flores acknowledges that he
and Beatrice-Joanna are “left in hell,” and that he has loved Beatrice-Joanna
“in spite of her heart.” Indeed, reflecting upon his life in preparation for
his death, he “thank[s] life for nothing” but the “sweet” pleasure of his sin.
We see here a consummate expression of reprobation, a compulsion to embrace not
only to spiritual but also personal annihilation. Middleton’s object lesson is
rendered complete.
- While
much attention has been paid to representation of Beatrice-Joanna, to her
degeneracy and her potential masochism, scarcely any attention has thus far
been paid to the masochism expressed by the character of DeFlores, who openly
acknowledges the extent to which he is drawn to degrade himself for the sake of
his erotic desire, pursuing his beloved in the face of her antipathy.[13] De Flores
embodies both moral degeneracy and erotic appetite, and expresses sentiments
that a contemporary reader cannot help but read as masochistic. This masochism
which he expresses is strikingly consistent with Calvinist notions of
reprobation. Considering this tragedy in the context of its time, it seems
likely that our playwrights, particularly Thomas Middleton, whose Calvinist
sympathies have been thoroughly documented, might have highlighted this aspect
of the character’s nature as a means of illustrating, and underscoring,
conventional Calvinist theology as response to, and a reaction against, the
growing power and influence of Arminianism at the Jacobean court. Indeed, the
reprobation of Beatrice-Joanna has long been established as a canonical reading
(Bawcutt 25-26). What we might read as sadomasochism, a character “enjoin’d” to
pursue a scornful beauty, a character whose “mad qualm” directs him to be
“lugged” “like a common Garden-bull,” the Jacobeans would likely read as an
object lesson in spiritual reprobation, a degradation that is no less painful
for being eroticized. In the hands of Thomas Middleton, the Calvinist
playwright whose works engage so intimately with notions of erotic desire, the
tragedy becomes a kind of parable, not only a spiritual but also a political
manifesto, and one particularly suited to its historical moment.
[1] See especially Roy and Rosslyn.
[2] To date there has been precious little scholarship devoted to the
erotic desire for giving and receiving pain as it existed in the early modern
period, although there is ample evidence that such desire did exist. The best
overview of the topic to date is probably still chapter one of Ian Gibson’s The
English Vice: Beating, Sex and Shame in Victorian England and After,
entitled “Knowledge and Warnings about Sexual Flagellation before Freud.” More
recently there has been some excellent analysis of sadomasochistic
representation in early modern dramatic texts, particularly Lisa S. Starks’
“‘Won with Thy Words and Conquered with Thy Looks”: Sadism, Masochism and the
Masochistic Gaze in 1 Tamburlaine” in Marlowe, History and Sexuality: New
Critical Essays on Christopher Marlowe, and “‘Like the Lover’s Pinch, Which
hurts and Is Desired’: The Narrative of Male Masochism and Shakespeare’s Antony
and Cleopatra” in Literature and Psychology.
[3] I have taken all of my citations from the recent Oxford edition of The
Changeling, edited by Douglas Bruster, in Thomas Middleton: The
Collected Works.
[4] The authors note that this “Freudian interpretation of Beatrice”
has its root in criticism of the tragedy itself, particularly in Christopher
Ricks, Peter Morrison and Joost Daalder. (28)
[5] We see here a literalizing of the erotic degradation inherent in De
Flores’ position as servant. See also Michael Neill’s “‘A Woman’s Service’:
Gender, Subordination, and the Erotics of Rank in the Drama of Shakespeare and
His Contemporaries”, and Swapan Chakravorty’s “Servants and Masters: The
Changeling” in his Society and Politics in the Plays of Thomas Middleton.
[6] The clearest antecedent here is probably St. Stephen, whose stoning
is described in Acts 7:58, after he had seen “the heavens opened.”
[7] The association of pain with religious devotion features prominently
in early modern texts. As James C. W. Truman notes, in those texts “[p]ain is
not just to be shunned, denied or avoided, but also to be embraced, even
desired as a mark of one’s heroic virtue. … The conception of the body’s pain
as a ‘heroic suffering’ points toward a way pain could be conceived of as not
marking the boundaries of transgression, but as central to a valorized identity
– as the source of a heroic self.” “The Body in Pain in Early Modern England” Early
Modern Literary Studies. 14.3. It appears to be at least partly so for
DeFlores.
[8] As Daalder writes: “It will never be possible to work out exactly
how the collaboration may have proceeded, and I do not think that, from a
critical point of view, we need to know, or to try and establish who was the
more important author. On the contrary, I think we should approach the play as
a fully integrated artifact” (xviii). While critics have posited a division of
labor in the writing of The Changeling, I will contend, for the purposes
of my study, that we might read the influence of Thomas Middleton throughout
the play, even in those scenes popularly supposed to have been authored by
William Rowley.
[9] See also Nicholas Tyacke’s Anti-Calvinists: The Rise of English
Arminianism c.1590-1640.
[10] “Enjoin.” Def.1a and 2a. The Oxford English Dictionary.
<http://dictionary.oed.com/cgi/entry_main/50075552 >
[11] Cf. The Duchess of Malfi 2.1.61-63: “[A]ll our
fear, / Nay, all our terror, is lest our physician / Should put us in the
ground, to be made sweet.”
[13] Perhaps the most thorough examination of Beatrice-Joanna’s
conflicted desire occurs in Sara Eaton’s “Beatrice-Joanna and the Rhetoric of
Love: The Changeling (1622)”, in which the author argues that
Beatrice-Joanna’s seemingly conflicted desire is in fact the result of her
“attempts to be as she is perceived (275).”
Responses to this piece intended for the
Readers' Forum may be sent to the Editor at M.Steggle@shu.ac.uk.
© 2011-, Annaliese Connolly and Matthew Steggle (Editors, EMLS).