England’s Adam: the short career of the Giant Samothes in English Reformation thought
Jack P. Cunningham
Bishop Grosseteste University College, Lincoln
jack.cunningham@bishopg.ac.uk
Jack P. Cunningham, "England’s Adam: the short career of the Giant Samothes in English Reformation thought."EMLS 16.1 (2012)]: 4 http://purl.org/emls/16-1/adam.htm
After Bardus the Celts…loathing the strait ordinances of their ancient kings, and betaking themselves to pleasure and idleness, were in short time, and with small labour brought under the subjection of the Giant Albion, the son of Neptune.[10]It is curious to note that, according to Holinshed, Albion is the offspring of a pagan deity and it is interesting to see how apparently comfortable certain Reformed writers were with incorporating Classical gods into their histories. Even the idolatry-hating John Bale, was happy to inform his readers that Albion was the son of Neptunus, who was later killed by Hercules as he attempted to stop his passage into Rhodanus.[11] At first Harrison appears more cautious when he takes care to tell us that Neptune was merely a great sailor who was only considered a god after his death. Later however, he forgets himself as he recounts the battle with Hercules in which Jupiter rained down stones from heaven onto Albion and his brother Bergion, ‘which came so thick upon them, as if great drops of rain or hail should have descended from above, no man knowing which way to turn him from their force, they came so fast and with so great a violence.’[12] Harrison, is perhaps more eccentric than most other writers, usually referred to the Greek pantheon in more secular terms. The poet William Slayter drew up a family tree as a prefix to his work Palae- Albion, onto which he grafted a host of pagan deities. His genealogy contains the kings and queens of Europe, as well as Samothes, Triton (as a son of Noah) and Jupiter. This treatment of Classical myths has been described as ‘euhemeristical’ and it functions by treating the gods as earthly kings, indistinguishable from their more mundane cousins.[13] In this way they both enrich the royal bloodline and provide a worthy role model. Slayter describes their function, ‘And whence it may well be a solace to a noble spirit and disposition to be descended from honourable Ancestors; thereby encouraged to emulate their virtues and achievements.’[14]
Of Samothea land; a land which whilom stoodSpenser does not mention Samothes but there are several references to British giants in his Faerie Queene, including the huge son of ‘hideous Albion, whose father Hercules in France did quell.’[26]
An honour to the world, while honour was their end,
And while their line of years they did in virtue spend.
But there I was, and there my calmy thoughts I fed
On nature’s sweet repast, as healthful senses led.
Her gifts my study was, her beauties were my sport;
My work her works to know, her dwelling my resort.[25]
Yet was not this abominable superstition to tyrannize handled among them than [sic], as it hath been since among their successor the papists, who by their cruel corrections [lived they never so long] they sent at last to hell…were not the Lord more merciful.[29]Bale’s version of history makes for an interesting contrast with French work at the time. The French regarded the druids as Samothean priests; the precursors of the holy monk. They went to extraordinary lengths to integrate them into a Christian schema. As Asher has documented on the matter of human sacrifices they claimed that this activity prepared the world for the realization that salvation would be attained by the ultimate sacrifice of God as man.[30] Bale was a good deal less impressed telling us that the druids had little regard for chastity. Rather unconvincingly he quotes Daniel 13 and Baruch 6 as evidence in which we find, ‘their custom was to deck their whores with jewels and ornaments of their idols.’[31]
But that sometime it was named Samothea of Samothes the sixth son of Japhet, believe it who that will, for me. Out of whose shop of forge this comes, I wote full well : even from Annius Viturbiensis forsoth, who under a goodly title, as the manner is of crafty retailers, hath in the name Berosus published, and thrust upon credulous persons his own fictions, and vain inventions.[36]A few years later Walter Raleigh is no more convinced. Notwithstanding Harrison’s description of the boats that the Samothean used to navigate their way to England, Raleigh is incredulous. Reasonably assuming that he had a certain amount of knowledge of these matters he asserts that such a journey would have been impossible.
Surely he knoweth what it is to embark so great a people as we may just suppose those conductors carried with them, will not easily believe that there were any vessels in those days to transport Armies, and [withal] their cattle by whose milk they lived and fed their children.[37]Katherine Duncan-Jones was wrong to say in her 1974 article that Sidney erased the Samotheans from his revised Arcadia. As Godshalk observed, Philisides’ song has been given to Amphialus’ ‘fine boy’ in the New Arcadia.[38] However she was undoubtedly correct when she told us that he, along with the majority of his countrymen, had rejected the myth after 1580.[39] In a second article she provides a graphic illustration of Sidney’s developed sense of scepticism by way of a book burning. In a letter in 1574 his friend and mentor Hubert Languet mirthfully told him that he had accidently burnt a copy of Humfrey Lhuyd’s Commentarioli Britannicae with a candle. The Welsh scholar’s history had defended the myth-laden writing of Geoffrey of Monmouth against modern detractors, in particular the much despised Polydore Vergil. The poet clearly had little sympathy with Lhuyd’s efforts and in response his servant devised a mocking funeral oration and his master performed the appropriate ceremonies amid much hilarity.[40]
For several years Sidney joined the rest of Europe in believing in Annius’s construction of the biblical origins of European monarchical history. For the like minded militant Protestants, this provided the political impetus towards recreating a united Christian Europe…[41]According to Skretkowicz the poet statesman would also have been inclined by a strong sense of his French (Norman), over Saxon, heritage to have empathized with the Celtic Samotheans.[42] However this thesis fails to convince for a number of reasons. Firstly this is an unusual interpretation of how the Samotheans are portrayed in the text where Sidney uses them as a metaphor for the indolent English who are reluctant to go to war to defend their fellow Protestants in the Spanish Netherlands. Somothea, like England, once had ‘honour as their end’.[43] In an argument that runs counter to his Defence of Poesy (1581) in which he claims that his art form is ‘the companion of camps,’ in Arcadia it has reduced a once noble race of Samotheans causing Philisides to mourn their lost virtue and honour. This degraded image is also found in Holinshed where the once warlike tribe eventually gave over to ‘effeminate pleasure’ and ‘were become now unapt to withstand the force of their enemies’.[44]
If any one object and say That the Islands of the Gentiles (among which Britain is one) were given to Japhet and his sons, and therefore Britain was not so long before peopled; [author’s italics] Let them consider, that by Japhet and his sons, is meant his Progeny, and that in order to enjoying of his Patrimony…the delivery of a Turf to him and his sons was not necessary, but sufficient that his seed inherited the Blessing.[48]Besides, asked Aylett, why would they have passed over the empty lands in Africa, Italy and Spain to get to the remoter British islands?[49] Rather than the Celts, Aylett also prefers to look to the Saxons for British ancestry.
[1] J. Bale, The actes of Englysh Votaryes (Antwerp: 1546), p. 10.
[2] P. Sidney, The Old Arcadia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985 edition), p. 290.
[3] J. Stow, The Annales of England (London: 1592), p. 10; W. Camden, Britain, a Chronological Description (London: 1610), p.24.
[4] W. Harrison, An historical description of the island of Britain (London: 1587), pp. 1-3.
[5] R. Holinshed, The Historie of England (London: 1577), pp. 1-2.
[6] Ibid., pp. 2-3.
[7] William of Malmesbury, De Antquitate (c.1120). Malmesbury does not mention Joseph but he finds his way into the work via thirteenth-century accretions. Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia Regum Britanniae (c. 1136). See also J.P. Cunningham, “A young man’s brow and an old man’s beard’: The rise and fall of Joseph of Arimathea in English Reformation Thought,’ Theology, July/August, 2009, pp. 251-260.
[8] Bale, Votaryes, pp. 10-13; Holinshed, Historie, pp. 1-2.
[9] Harrison, Historical Description, p. 5.
[10] Holinshed, Historie, p.3.
[11] Bale, Votaryes, p. 10.
[12] Harrison, Historical Description, p. 4.
[13] I. Rivers, Classical and Christian ideas in English Renaissance Poetry (London: Allen Unwin, 1979), p. 24.
[14] W. Slayter, Genethliacon (London: 1630), pp. i-ii & pp. 1-2.
[15] S. Piggot, ‘Antiquarian thought in the sixteenth and seventeenth Centuries,’ in L. Fox (ed.), English scholarship in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1956), p. 99.
[16] R. E. Asher, National myths in Renaissance France, Francus, Samothes and the Druids (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1993), p.46.
[17] Ibid.
[18] T. D. Kendrick, British Antiquity (London: Methuen, 1950), pp. 71-2.
[19] Bale, Votaryes, p. 10.
[20] Holinshed, Historie, pp. 1-2.
[21] W. Lambarde, A perambulation of Kent (London: 1576), pp. 13-14.
[22] J. Caius, Works, E.S. Roberts (ed.), 1912, p.14.
[23] W. Shakespeare, Henry IV, part II, Act 2, sc. 2.
[24] B. Worden, The sound of virtue: Philip’s Sidney’s Arcadia and Elizabethan politics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996), p. 61.
[25] Sidney, Old Arcadia, p. 292.
[26] E. Spenser, The Faerie Queene, II, x, 11.
[27] See P. Happé, John Bale (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1996), p. 52.
[28] Bale, Votaryes, p. 10.
[29] Ibid., p. 11.
[30] Asher, National Myths in Renaissance France, p. 162.
[31] Bale, Votaryes, p. 12.
[32] Harrison, Historical Description, p. 5.
[33] Holinshad, Historie, p. 1.
[34] K. Duncan-Jones, ‘Sidney in Samothea, a forgotten national Myth, The Review of English Studies, New series, vol. 25, no 98, 1974, p. 177.
[35] Stow, Annales, p. 10.
[36] Camden, Chorographical Description, p. 24.
[37] W. Raleigh, A Historie of the World in five Books, 1614, p. 114.
[38] See, W. L. Godshalk, ‘Correspondence,’ The Review of English Studies, New series, vol. 31, no. 122, p. 192.
[39] Duncan-Jones, ‘Sidney in Samothea’, p. 177.
[40] K. Duncan-Jones, ‘Sidney in Samothea yet again’, The Review of English Studies, New series, vol. 38, no. 150, 1987, pp. 226-7.
[41] V. Skretkowicz, European Erotic Romance: Philhellene Protestantism, Renaissance translation and English literary Politics (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010), p.171.
[42] V. Skretkowicz, “O pugnam infaustam ,” Sidney’s transformations and the last of the Samotheans,’ Sidney Journal, 22: 1-2, 2004, p.12.
[43] Sidney, Old Arcadia, p.292.
[44] Worden, Sound of Virtue, pp. 133-4; R. Holinshed, Chronicles (London: 1587), bk. 1, p. 4.
[45] R. Verstegan, A restitution of decayed Intelligence (Antwerp: 1605), pp. 2-4.
[46] Ibid., p. 9.
[47] E. Waterhouse, An humble apologie for learning and learned Men (London: 1653), pp. 16 & 21.
[48] A. Sammes, Britannia Antigua illustrata, the antiquities of ancient Britain derived from the Phoenicians (London: 1676), p. 8.
[49] Ibid.
[50] Duncan-Jones, ‘Samothea yet again,’ p. 227.
[51] Stow, Annales, p. 24.
[52] Camden, Chorographical Description, p. 24.
[53] J. Selden, England’s Epinomis (London: 1683), p. 2.
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