‘Tyred in her banished dress’: Henrietta Maria in exile
Karen Britland. "‘Tyred in her banished dress’: Henrietta Maria in exile". Early Modern Literary Studies Special Issue 15 (August, 2007) 4.1-39<URL: http://purl.oclc.org/emls/si-15/brithenr.htm>.
France has so cut their Combs; the Louvre and the Pale-royal have been sad inchanted Castles to them, they have kept a Lazarello’s Court there; darkness, leanness, and the nest of poverty; but two loaves a day, and without fish, to work the Miracle; yet the Gallery was a Christian Coney-warren fill’d with Cavaliers of all Trades; and unless they fed upon their children, ’tis not visible what they eat. (III. i. Killigrew 343)Killigrew’s amusing, scatological, and vaguely condescending depiction of the royalist exile in Paris reveals his awareness of the extent to which the English nation had fallen in the estimation of its foreign neighbours, locating the exile community, not as expatriated gentlefolk, but as sick, degraded, scavenging and poor.
In defending the role of women and of the private life, romance allows the major religious differences between the king and queen, and the hostility between their two countries, to be glossed over by the myth of a love which transcends conflict. Those who attack romance want that conflict to be fought out openly, not transcended (80).Manuche’s play invokes the fashion for neo-Platonic love, popularised at court by Henrietta Maria in the 1630s, and specifically recalls moments from at least two plays that were performed at court in that decade. As such, it participates in the phenomenon identified by Potter, politicising pastoral discourse and creating a sense of communal royalist identity based on nostalgia for happier times.
what atention those Godds: gaue
When you (so Goddess like) diswaded, the matchlesse Corilliana;
ffrom nourishing the same desease,
You to, too greedily imbrace. (8)
Hannibal Hamlin terms this rendition ‘playful’, noting that it contrasts the Israelites’ inability to sing in a foreign country with Davenant’s own ability to ‘sing even in exile’ (248-9). Davenant is portrayed as unfazed by his exiled status: it is England that suffers for his absence, not the other way around. Biblical notions of exile, therefore, help to structure the ways in which the exiles thought about their predicament, at the same time as the use of the psalm lent religious authority and respectability to the royalists’ infamous penchant for drama and mirth. Overall, in these poems, just as in Manuche’s play, forgetting leads to silence, while remembrance is couched communally in terms of song and music. Drama and song become responsible responses to exile, in a manner that counteracts their representation as irreligious blasphemies by the royalist’s puritan opponents.The drooping Hebrews banish’d Harps unstrungAt Babylon, upon the Willows hung;Yours sounds aloud, and tells us you excellNo less in Courage, than in Singing well;Whilst unconcern’d you let your Countrey know,They have impov’rished themselves, not you (Waller, sig E2r).
From private intelligence thus; On New-Years day eve last, a conceited Masque (or shew) in this manner. A Banquet prepared.Enter 3 grand old Seigniors, Janus and Christmas ushered in by Time. Janus attended by the 4 seasons. Two conceited dances: The first by three, Shuffle, Cut and Trumpe: Shuffle represented in the habit of an old sage Pettifogger, run mad with eating of Alopodridas, and studieng [sic] to invent new arguments for Anarchy and the Philosophers Stone. Cut a factious Lady, and Widdow of an old Souldier of the Queens. Trumpe, a young wag-taile, and Madam Cuts own Chambermaid.The other dance was by eight, and alike madly conceited, in which the 4 Aces rob the 4 Knaves. The 4 Knaves expressed in their severall conditions. Spades, the country knave, an Ingrosser, Clubs the Camp-knave a Sutler. Diamonds, the Citie-knave, a Promooter: Hearts, the Court-knave, an Informer.4 Conceited dances presented by each knaue. The Spade-knave, Country sports in a Wassaile bowle. The Campe-knave a Matachine or sword dance. The Diamond-knave a Mumming. The Heart-knave a Cornucopia.The 4 Aces were Elder Brothers to the 4 Knaves.
that widows, at least in their widow’s garb, might retreat there until, free of impediments, they [could] take the habit and make their vows; and that secular women might have entry in order to practice and deepen their devotion (178).Henrietta Maria was deemed particularly suitable to be a patron of the order because of her knowledge of, and veneration for, Sales’s Introduction à la vie dévote (Revellois i: 314). In turn, the order was particularly suited to her because of her widowed state and her desire to lead a devout life while, because of her maternal and political commitments, remaining in the world.
To avenge kings and kingdoms,Although, on the surface, these words resonate strongly with James’s exiled situation, the speech, it must be remembered, takes place in a ballet celebrating a French royal victory: it cannot just be about the English civil wars. Instead, it is also concerned with the rights of kingship and how the young princes of a new generation will fight together for their kingdoms. The vocabulary of vengeance is put in the mouth of Louis’s displaced relation, but it also constitutes a pre-emptive warning to the defeated French rebels. It is the declaration of a new generation of powerful avengers who will support each other to maintain their birthrights – the most optimistic implication being, no doubt, that the French will help the Stuarts regain their lost throne.
For the reestablishment of a kingdom and a king.
We must punish this great outrage with strength and courage.
Alfred Harbage has suggested, from internal evidence, that this play was
completed in 1654 (218-19). However Wertheim suggests that the play might
have been begun as early as 1650. It was published in 1663.
 Villers writes of the gallery at the Palais Royal: ‘Elle est forte grande et richement lambrisée et dorée, bien que les Anglois y ayent fait un grand desgast, qui ne leur a pas beaucoup profité, car pour avoir cinq sols d’or ils ont gasté des endroicts qu’on ne sçauroit refaire pour quatre pistoles, et plus est leur avarice et leur avidité les a poussés à un tel point que ne se contentants de ce qu’ils enlevoient les dorures relevées en bosse, ils ont cassé les vitres pour avoir le plomb.’
 I believe this move took place primarily for symbolic reasons. After the Fronde, the French royal family needed to reassert its authority over Paris and so moved back into the French monarchs’ ancestral home (French kings had resided at the Louvre since the reign of Charles V – 1364-80). Furthermore, many of the Frondeurs’ complaints had been directed towards Cardinal Mazarin, Anne’s chief minister (who was exiled from Paris by the troubles in 1651 and 1652). Anne’s move to the Louvre (and away from the former Palais Cardinal) served, mnemonically at least, to distance her from the powerful cardinals who had been France’s first ministers. In addition, more pragmatically, the Louvre was more easily defensible than the Palais Royal.
 See also Smith 26.
 Abbé Fr. Duffo notes that the pension was 30,000 livres a month (24). Madame de Motteville records that it was ‘dix ou douze mille écus par mois’ (84). A livre was valued at about one third of an écu so these figures approximate each other. The figures are borne out by the accounts of Sir Richard Foster, Charles II’s treasurer, which contain receipts for the monies: see Archives départementales de Val d’Oise, 68.H.8, troisième liasse, ‘Papiers de Richard Foster, trésorier de la reine d’Angleterre’.
 Archives départementales de Val d’Oise, 68.H.8, troisième liasse, ‘Papiers de Richard Foster, trésorier de la reine d’Angleterre’. Cantarini inherited the rights to loans made by the banker Philip Burlamachi after the latter’s death. The memo about the sums owed dates from the late 1640s.
 For the tapestry, see Archives départementales de Val d’Oise, 68.H.8, troisième liasse, ‘Papiers de Richard Foster, trésorier de la reine d’Angleterre’.
 On the dating of the play, see Williams ‘The Castle Ashby’ 398. Williams notes that paper used in the Castle Ashby manuscript helps to date that copy to 1659-61.
 Manuche’s patron, James Compton, spent part of the civil war in Oxford, but again does not seem to have had any particular connection to the queen. Williams notes that, by October 1645, Manuche was ‘serving under the ultimate command of Sir John Berkeley, governor of Exeter’, with whom Henrietta Maria had stayed before her flight to France, but again there is no substantive evidence to indicate that they were acquainted (‘Manuche, Cosmo’).
 On the neo-Platonic love fashion see Veevers. I discuss one of the literary borrowings below. Manuche’s play also contains a mock-masque scene involving a disguised court lady who dispenses punishment to some offenders in a manner that resounds strongly with a similar scene in James Shirley’s The Young Admiral, performed at court before the king and queen in November 1633.
 For a detailed exposition of both royalist and parliamentarian versions of this psalm, see Hamlin.
 Around 1650, Henrietta Maria wrote to her sister Christine, Duchess of Savoy, to ask her to continue to find room for the harpist, Flaille. For the moment, she said, she had to forego music, Lettres 94.
 Mercurius Candidus. See also Hotson 22-3.
 For example, in its evocation of the ‘eating of Alopodridas’, it recalls similar moments in Neptune’s Triumph and The Staple of News.
 For a reading of this tract (which locates the king as ‘the fulcrum of meaning and function’), see de Groot 147-8.
 The debate on the observance of holy days was begun by the Westminster Assembly of Divines in the summer of 1643. In 1644, Christmas day went unfeasted because it fell on the last Wednesday of the month which, since 1641, had been nominated a fast day. However, it was not until 1645 that parliament officially abolished the observance of Christmas, Easter and Whitsuntide.
 I am grateful to Stacey Jocoy Houck for many of the ideas about Christmas and royalists expressed here. These were outlined in her paper, ‘Drive the cold winter away: Christmas songs as royalist propaganda’, Richard Murphy Colloquium (2003), Oberlin College, Ohio, USA.
 The tract is dated 1646, but Thomason indicates he bought it in 1645.
 See, for example, her letter to her sister, Christine, Duchess of Savoy, in December 1650 after the death of her son-in-law, the Prince of Orange, Lettres 93-4. See also Bossuet, and Revellois i: 65-6; iii: 15.
 See, for example, Henrietta Maria to Charles I, May 1642, Baillon 381-2. See also Lettres 93-4.
 Barbara Ravelhofer has pointed out that there were two historical Artemisias. In the Renaissance, though, the identities of these women seem usually to have been conflated (195-6).
 On the Duchess of Montmorency see Cotolendi, especially 77ff.
 If it were not for a marginal note in the text that identifies this speech as that of Queen Anne, these words would be associated with Henrietta Maria, the subject of the preceding paragraph.
 Cotolendi’s preface states that his sources include contemporary letters, some of which he probably obtained from the Visitandine convent at Moulins. A (somewhat disgruntled) letter from the mother superior of Moulins forms part of the front matter to his volume.
 Several factors combined to draw Henrietta Maria to the Visitandines, not least that her friend, Madame de Motteville, had a sister who was a member of the order.
 The convent’s founder was allowed the privilege of living within the community. Henrietta Maria, at the very least, passed all the major religious festivals at Chaillot.
 For versions of this popular idea about the ballet, see Gérard Corbiau’s film, Le roi danse (2000) and Roger Planchon’s Louis, enfant roi (1993).
 ‘La gloire seule est ma Maistresse, / Déja mon ieune coeur paroist fier & terrible / Par dessus le débris horrible / Des Throsnes renuersez, & des Sceptres perdus’ Benserade ii: 58.
 ‘Ie veux faire des coups dignes d’elle & de moy, / Vanger les Rois, & les Royaumes, / Au restablissement d’un Royaume & d’un Roy. / Il faut punir ce grand outrage / Par la force & par la courage’ Benserade ii: 58-9.
 ‘It seems to me that this kills his memory, which is so dear [to me]’ Lettres 111-12.