This paper deals with the representation of Moroccan culture in British writings on North Africa. It examines a variety of texts produced on the fringes of canonical, mainstream British literature and concerned with the description of the Other in North Africa. (1) These texts were mainly produced by travellers, adventurers, traders, diplomats, captives and writers of all walks of life who visited this area. Most of them are travel accounts by `amateur' writers whose occasional or incidental visits to these countries are recorded in impressionistic tales describing their experiences in the exotic land of the Moors.

The nineteenth century saw a feverish quest for new territories and as David Thomson put it: "Colonies came to be valued both as manifestations of national greatness and as sources of raw materials and markets for manufactures." (2) Africa came to be the chief colonial attraction and between 1870 and 1914 "the whole of Africa apart from one or two small areas was partitioned among the European powers". (3) It must be noted that "Britain had no overseas territories at the publication of Hakluyt at the end of the 16th." (4) It is also to be noted that European expansion saw its most intense activity between 1815 and 1914 with the race for territory in the late nineteenth century.

Despite its proximity to Europe, North Africa or what Europe historically labelled the ‘Barbary States’, remained for many centuries, a close and unsafe area for Europeans. Apart from the Mediterranean main commercial ports (Tripoli, Tunis, Algiers and Tangiers) and some Atlantic Moroccan ports, the interior parts of these countries remained closed and forbidden to non-Muslims.

In the 17^th and 18^th centuries there was an increasing interest in the Barbary States as a cultural subject, commercial partner and a potential threat to European maritime activities. With the development of the European imperial projects, the Barbary States became a recommended commercial, diplomatic and tourist destination for many Europeans. The 19^th century saw an upsurge of travel texts on the Maghreb as this area started to open up, or rather, to be opened up, under European pressure and expansion, to a panoply of visitors for different purposes and with different backgrounds. These visitors’ accounts constitute not only an invaluable mine of ethnographic and social data about the cultural life of the Maghreb, but also a colonial discourse about European cultural supremacy.

British discourse about North Africa started as a cultural and distant discourse of difference. The first texts about Barbary were texts of wonder at Otherness in religion, habits, social structure, political system, clothing, social institutions, architecture, … etc. These texts served a cultural and a historical purpose as many of them are of an ephemeral and popular nature. From the second half of the 16th century onwards Barbary tales became a favourite subject in British society. This awareness took the form of the cultural Other as negativity: the non-Christian (or the Mohamedan) the non-white (black), the non-civilised (barbaric and savage lacking education and an adequate political system, … etc.) Nevertheless these negative attributes made the Moor an attractive cultural Other and a popular exotic subject which fired the public imagination by the fantastic stories about the Moors and the Barbary States.

After a brief identification of travel accounts as the genre within which most of the texts of my corpus were written, the following pages will deal with some aspects of Morocco as a country and as a culture in its portrayal by British travellers. These aspects include: the description of towns, imperial cities, housing and urban organisation, the physical description of the Moors with their cultural and social habits, the status of women and that of the Jews, religion, politics and the judicial and the educational systems. (While referring to all these aspects, the paper has no claim to a full and exhaustive study of these subjects as this is the object of a book project I am currently working on).

Travel writing is the literary genre which crosses all of the geographical and cultural territories yet its own borders as a genre are relatively undefined. Traditionally, it is a popular genre to which "anyone can have a go" as Steve Clark put it. (5) With the "democratisation" of travel and the development of mass tourism and cheap package holidays, it was thought, for some time, that the travel genre belonged to the past and had no place in modern literary interests. This tendency proved totally wrong as post-colonial criticism and re-readings of imperial literature found in travel texts the first hints to colonial aspirations and invaluable information about the genesis of early imperialism. Travel implies both power and desire. As Clark said "as a popular genre, [travel writing] has proved strikingly resilient, and in the hands of its most recent exponents, provides a niche for a distinctive kind of postmodern literacy." (6)

As a destination and as a subject for textual recording, the Maghreb in general and Morocco in particular experienced a historical development parallel to the European awareness of other geographical and cultural spaces and to European colonial expansion. The earliest western references to Morocco oscillated between history, legend, mythology, literary fiction and travelogues. It must be remembered that the region and its people were baptised by the west since the very names of "Moors" and "Barbary " were western inventions. "Barbary" as a name expresses a Western necessity for the location of Otherness as savageness but also as a space for exoticism occasionally serving literary expression in the form of travel texts. The general discourse about the Barbary States varies between mere references to the country and full length texts with literary and encyclopaedic pretensions; the authors also vary between the most famous, such as Shakespeare, Fletcher, Thomas Heywood, Daniel Defoe, Jonathan Swift, Lancelot Addison, Ali Bey to less known and more or less forgotten writers like John Drummond Hay, Robert Spence Watson, John Buffa, Captain G. Beauclerk, Arthur Leared, … etc.

A) British Travellers and Moroccan Urban Space

European travellers to Morocco were fascinated by the imperial cities in general and by certain spatio-cultural themes in particular within that urban space. In this section, I have chosen some of the most popular places on which the interest of the different visitors was focused and those which retained their attention and which we frequently come across in their texts. Their list is long but we shall limit our discussion to some of the most "attractive" ones from the visitors’ point of view as for example: city fortifications, walls and gates, narrow streets and open spaces, Suqs and open markets, the mosques and their minarets, schools and universities, Moorish houses and their architecture, … etc.

Travel accounts on Morocco recurrently divide the city space into two parts : in the first quarter there is the palace or the governor’s residence, the government cellars or Makhazen , the barracks for the Sultan’s or Governor’s guards and soldiers, the rich houses of the city’s "nobility" -including European traders and foreign diplomats and representatives - and, in the rest of the city are 'crammed', according to these travel accounts, the common Moors and the Jews. An illustration of this instance is given by Richardson whose description of Mogador (the modern Essaouira) is given in the following terms:

The city is divided into two parts; one division contains the citadel, the public offices, the residence of the governor, and several houses occupied by European consuls and merchants, which are all the property of the Sultan; and the Other is the space occupied by the houses of the Moors and Jews. (7)

The original aim of travel was cultural and spatial discovery; hence the sustained effort to unveil and to reveal the Other as a civilising and cultural entity. In fact the wish to unveil the Other masks another wish of the traveller which is the possession and enjoyment of the cultural space of the Other. But the resistance of the country as a whole to open up its gates to foreign European powers with their `civilising' and modernising missions, was fought throughout the 18th and 19th century with the final subjugation of the cultural space and later the geographical space.

A1) "An Army of lyons": The City as Legend 

Textual representation of the Moroccan city by European travel writers took different forms and adopted different strategies to come to terms with the multi-faceted manifestations of Moorish urban space. Many texts drew on old popular stories and texts about the mythological and legendary origins of the Moroccan cities and sometimes reproduced them to enhance the exotic dimension of their discourse about Otherness. In this sense, historical matter, popular lore and legend became the media for reading the "city-in-time" and a way of interpreting its cultural and anthropological realities.

Texts about Moorish cities sometimes take the form of fairyland fantasies as illustrated by the story of the "citty of Lyons" supposedly on the Moroccan coast. According to Fletcher, ‘Whence by continueing along the land of Barbaria wee sayled neere to the citty of Lyons’ which was prosperous until its inhabitants became:

proud and exceeding in all Other wickednesses, the Lord sent an army of lyons upon them, whoe sparing neither man, woman or child, but consumeing all from the face of the earth, took the city in possession to themselves and their posterity to this day, … (8)

The account goes on to describe the fierceness of the lions "rageing along the shoare with fearfull roreings and cryes, making many offers to enter the sea and to make a prey of our boate. . .". This description illustrates three levels of European, colonial discourse about space as Otherness: first, the religious level, as the city was punished for its wickedness and non-Christian behaviour. The space in which the word of God is not heeded is thus severely punished. In this sense, the Moorish city becomes a setting for a Christian, Biblical parable to teach the word of God. The second level is both aesthetic and exotic in the sense that the fantastic story of God sending lions to punish the inhabitants of the Moroccan city serves to embellish and exotics the discourse which takes the form of an aesthetic commodity palatable to the British readership of that time. The third level is an oblique political invitation to free this land from the savageness of the lions.

In her Saints and Sorcerers, Nina Epton perpetuates the legend of Tiznit (9) and argues that the women of Tiznit are beautiful and "many of them are said to follow the profession once exercised by the lady who gave the town its name. (10) According to Epton, Tiznit was a prostitute of great charm converted by a holy man to saintly life and as "Virtue does not necessarily mean the absence of' love., especially in Islam", the holy man married Tiznit and together "they wandered through the desert proclaiming the laws of the Prophet". After the death of the holy man, Tiznit lived alone in a tent and

One day bandits rode up to molest her while she was at her prayers. Furious at being coldly repelled by an unarmed woman, the leader struck her with his lance. Blood flowed from the mortal wound and when it touched the sand, a fountain sprang miraculously between two palm trees. The town eventually built on this spot was named Tiznit in honor of the saint. (11)

Here the portrayal of the legend is permeated by a hegemonic, colonial discourse. The comments of the author make of the legendary genesis of the urban space a medium for cultural debasement. Far from a neutral description of a Moorish town, Epton’s text makes oblique comments which betray a partisan attitude towards the women of Tiznit and Islam. The very first sentence of the story begins by accusing the beautiful women of Tiznit of following " the profession once exercised by the lady who gave the town its name", that is prostitution. The legend is thus used to stereotype Moorish morality and an old myth about the town serves to categorise the women of Tiznit and to confirm what is -according to the author- their low morality. Thus, the sacredness of the place is spoilt by the saint’s impious past and by the present immoral behaviour of the women of Tiznit. The traveller has used a legend for the cultural debasement of Moroccan urban space.

El-Ksar El-Kebir is another Moorish city with a legendary origin. Arthur Leared visited the city in 1879 and reported "the story about the foundation of this town". While on a hunting expedition, Sultan Almansour (XVIth c.) lost his way and

was entertained incognito by a poor fisherman, in whose hut he passed the night. The Sultan was so well pleased, that he bestowed upon the fisherman some royal buildings, situated not far off. These buildings having been enclosed within a wall, soon took the form of a town, to which the name of Alcassar el Kebir, or, the Great Palace, was given. (12)

The story here is akin to the fairy tales where some magic instrumentality brings happy encounters between the poor wood-cutter, shepherd or fisherman with the good hearted prince, princess or king. The outcome of these encounters is sometimes the bestowing of royal munificence on the poor man whose good fortune atones for the misery of his lot. This tale about El-Ksar El-kebir serves not only to perpetuate a legend but also to exoticise the origin of the town. This exoticisation which serves the aesthetic aims of the travel tale is also a reduction of the hard physical reality of the town and its human dimension to a mere fairy tale; it is a form of literary appropriation of Otherness as an enjoyable commodity within that cultural space.

 The European representation of Moorish urban space is generally tainted with an exotic dimension which removes physicality from the Other and the urban world of the Other becomes an inner journey and an unreal experience. David Spurr defines this approach as one of the controlling modes of authority used by colonial discourse and calls it insubstantialization or what he termed "seeing as in a dream". (13) Along these lines, an anonymous visitor to Tetuan wrote : "In walking through the town it seemed as if I were surrounded by everyday scenes and characters reproduced from the pages of the Arabian Nights" (14) and our visitor goes on to describe the people he meets as immaterial beings not belonging to the physical world but to be found only in the Thousand and One Nights. Our author meets the story teller, the barber and blood letter, the dentist shaving the head of a pensive Moor, women going to the baths with slaves and finally the famous hunchback of The Nights. The city space becomes thus an exotic scene peopled by unreal characters out of space and out of time. In contrast to these dream-like visions, the reactions to the physical urban reality of the Moorish Medina were characterised by wonder and admiration sometimes, rejection at other times and even a feeling of suffocation in some cases.

A general feature that struck European travellers to Moroccan cities is the narrowness of the streets in the old Medinas. When Arthur Leared visited Fez in 1879, his first reaction concerned the absence of windows and the narrowness of the streets:

What astonished us most of all was the extreme narrowness of the streets in which the private houses were situated. ... Nothing more dismal or cheerless could be imagined than such narrow chasms between high windowless walls. (15)

The expectations about Moorish urban space were often frustrated and could lead, sometimes, to disappointment as happened to one of the visitors who, after describing the city of Tetuan as beautiful from a distance, changed his mind once he was in the town:

On close inspection the city did not appear as handsome as when seen at a distance. Within the walls, towers, mosques, and private houses were grouped together without design or regularity, in narrow streets and crooked lanes. All was plaster and whitewash and therefore all looked bright and clean, but the absence of any architectural beauty, the many blind walls, and the deficiency of windows, produced an impression of disappointment which is not uncommonly felt on entering an Eastern town. (16)

Here the traveller's disappointment is both cultural and psychological as the incongruity between his expectations about space and the reality of the Moorish architecture provoke a negative reaction to Tetuan. Most travellers reacted with varying degrees of acceptance or rejection to the narrow streets and blind walls. This narrowness of streets is sometimes made unbearable by dust and filth and the reactions betray an astonished disillusionment; on visiting Al-Ksar El-kbir, Leared wrote: 'We entered and all illusion was dispelled. It was market day, and the crowds gathered round our party in the hot, filthy, and dusty streets in a way that was almost unbearable.' (17) A similar disappointment was experienced by Ali Bey when visiting Tangier which presented "a pretty regular aspect" with "an interesting view" from a distance but: "As soon as we approach the inside of the town the illusion ceases, and we find ourselves surrounded with everything that characterises the most disgusting wretchedness." (18) Along the same lines, and in reaction to Assila streets, Montbard produced one of the most negative and debasing descriptions about Moorish urban space:

What pestilent streets! a black sewer full of foul things emitting abominable smells, running along dilapidated walls, hideous shops, with pendant, dislocated weather-boards. We tack along the walls, clinging to the fastenings of the shops, to every projection and cavity, wherever we can get any support, in order to avoid coming into contact with this horrible filth. As we thus proceed, in single file, along the goats' track, we have now and then to make some trying dead halts when coming face to face with a pedestrian from the opposite direction. We glare at him and he at us, with suppressed rage, and obstinately cling to the wall, anxiously waiting till the one who is in the greatest hurry, shall take the outer side, and, with the utmost precaution, skirt round the other, running the risk of being stretched his full length in this putrefaction. It generally happened that we were the most eager to get on, and we thought ourselves lucky if at such critical junctures a passing mule or prancing horse didn't splash us from head to foot in this black and fetid mud. (19)

This passage illustrates how the narrow street space brought the Western traveller into close contact with the cultural Other in a uneasy physical proximity which betrayed suppressed rage and repulsion. The narrow city street brought the foreign visitor face to face with the cultural Other. This encounter forced out of the traveller his inner feelings of intolerance towards the urban space of the Other. In fact it tells more about some of the turn-of-century racist attitudes than about the streets of Assila.

Within what Spurr calls the mode of ‘Filth and Defilement’ in colonial discourse, the same Montbard describes the streets of Assila in the following terms:

Women, coming out of kennel-like hovels, draw back at once, terrified at the sight of us, and disappear indoors, shouting and shaking their fists at us. … Some lean cats with bristling russet coats jump into the plashes, pursued by half-naked lads, and disappear into some wide-mouthed holes.

Dirty Jews with smooth, glossy hair, black skull-caps fastened on by a check handkerchief, brush by us with squinting eyes, clad in their ragged, patched robes of faded blue, and a musty smell escapes from under these sordid tatters.

A donkey bars our way. It is all skin and bone…. At every spot where the bones bulge the skin is cut, and swarms of flies settle on the naked flesh. Long wheals, destitute of hair, mark the place of old closed sores, and the body is furrowed with them. (20)

Here the traveller’s eye/I examines everything and spares nothing. No negative detail escapes the scrutiny and examination of the author. Montbard’s description puts especial emphasis on filth and decay through a myriad of negative qualifiers. The Moorish homes become ‘kennel-like hovels’, the cats are ‘lean’, the lads are ‘half-naked’, the doors are ‘wide-mouthed holes’, The Jews are ‘dirty Jews’ with ‘squinting eyes’ clad in ‘ragged, patched robes’ and ‘sordid tatters’ with ‘a musty smell.’ The donkey is all ‘skin and bone’ with a cut skin and ‘swarms of flies on the naked flesh’, … etc. With this sad and bleak portrayal of life within the town, the urban space becomes a mere container of misery and suffering that spares neither man nor beast.

What is striking about this, and similar debasing descriptions is that the author saw nothing to brighten or relieve the oppressive misery of the town. While other European travellers who visited similar places, at the same period, saw, beside this misery a fresh, colourful and inspirational life, Montbard saw nothing but hopelessness and sordid decay. There are many examples of authors who balanced a negative portrayal of Moorish space with admiration for its ‘uncorrupted’ humanity and invigorating freshness. Savory, among others, saw in Moroccan markets a spectrum of colours, but we could also mention famous names such as Delacroix, Matisse and others who visited the country at the same period and who found in Moorish space a source of artistic inspiration.

Moorish urban space in travel descriptions and representations fluctuates between marvellous, exotic idealisations, on the one hand, and an obsession with ruin and decay, on the other. Both choices reflect the ambivalence between David Spurr’s "idealization" and "debasement". Many European travel accounts cut off the Moorish city space from its historical, cultural, political and economic context and reduce what is supposed to be a description of the city as Otherness to ruins and decay. Buffa visited Marrakech in 1805 just after a period of civil war, plague and famine (21) and described it in the following terms:

I was much disappointed on my arrival at Morocco with the appearance of the place; for, instead of finding it, as I expected, superior to Fez and Mequinez,, I found it a large ruinous town, almost without inhabitants. It contains, indeed, a great many mosques caravanseras, public baths, market-places or squares, and palaces of the Xeriffes, but all in a most deplorable state, of ruin. Not many years since, this city was the Imperial residence, and contained six hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants; but the late civil wars, and the plague, which raged with such violence, in the beginning of the present Emperor's reign, nearly depopulated it. In consequence of the latter melancholy event, the court was removed to Fez and Mequinez. To this account we may place the present desolate appearance of Morocco. The Imperial palace is, however, kept in repair, as the Emperor goes to Morocco annually to spend the fast-days, which are during the months of October and November; scarcely one fourth of the other palaces and houses are inhabited. (22)

As this passage shows, the description of urban space becomes a text about social and political debasement. Thus Marrakech is seen only as "a large ruinous town" and "a depopulated city" with "a desolate appearance" deserted even by the Emperors who removed the capital to Fèz and Meknès. In contrast to these ruins, the imperial palace was "kept in repair" as the "Emperor goes to Morocco annually to spend the fast-days". Here the contrast between the ruins of Marrakech and the restored and renovated palace serves as an oblique comment on justice, despotism and the privileges of the Sultan. The description of the urban space is used to make political comments on the country and its system of government. True, the author admits to the "former grandeur and magnificence" of Marrakech, but his bleak portrayal of the desolate decay lacks understanding and compassion for the tragedy that befell the city. The author allows no redeeming hope for Marrakech. Even the usual exotic aestheticization habitually found in texts about Marrakech is absent here. The text about urban decay becomes an indirect pretext for the intervention of a saviour who was none other than European ‘redeeming’ civilisation.

The image of urban decay was a recurrent feature of nineteenth century travel texts on Morocco. One could multiply the examples to illustrate this idea, but I shall limit myself here to two more travellers to show how the Moorish urban decay retained the attention in travel accounts and how this decay could be used as a justification for intervention of the European powers.

When Arthur Leared visited El-Ksar El-Kebir, he found that "a general decay was only too plain. Here was to be seen an open space covered with mouldering ruins, there, a minaret, the mosque of which no longer existed." (23) A more negative attitude is taken by George Monbard who visited Assila at the beginning of the 1890s. He found the ancient town "dying away in the proud sepulchre of its lofty decaying walls, corroded at the base" and predicting that "the time is not far distant when the vultures will hover over the crumbling towers, when the yelping of the jackals will fill the silence of its ruins" (24); Here we move again from the description of a town to an apocalyptic annihilation of life –or a wish for it- within this urban space. The image given by these descriptions of decay is that of a town, a city, a whole country crying for help and for a redeeming force to restore order and life to a dying culture.

If Moorish suks, streets and other public spaces were open to European travellers, few occasions were given to these visitors to see the interiors of houses and to describe the inner areas of Moorish homes. Culturally, privacy was a sacred feature of Moroccan life ; in towns and imperial cities, a man was traditionally jealous and secretive about his spouse(s) and would not refer to his wife by name but euphemistically as ‘my house’ or ‘my children’. The meaning of the Arabic word sakan or dwelling means ‘calm’, ‘peaceful’ and ‘quiet’ and as Leila Ahmed puts it: this term ‘expresses the Islamic concept of a man’s right to a haven of inviolable privacy, forbidden to and guarded from intrusion by other men.’ (25) This cultural concept found its architectural expression in the building of the urban house where the women’s apartments are generally distanced from the parts where guests are received. This architecture is found in large houses and residences of the wealthy upper class and in palaces.

What retained the attention of most travellers in the traditional Moorish house architecture is its square form with a courtyard in the middle and a marble fountain at its centre. When Buffa visited Fèz, he described its houses in the following terms:

Their houses consist of four wings, forming a court in the centre, round which is an arcade, or piazza, with one spacious apartment on each side. The court is paved with square pieces of marble, and has a basin of the same in the centre, with a fountain. (26)

In the same vein, the houses in Tetuan were described by another traveller thus:

Each house is built with a square open court in the centre, round which, in the case of the upper storeys, runs a balcony; thus, as the doors and windows of the different rooms open into this court, the inmates secure for themselves that great desideratum in Barbary- perfect privacy and security from outside observation…[my italics]. (27)

As we can see here, most travel accounts stress privacy as fundamental to the architectural structure of Moorish houses; in fact, the distribution of the home space was a focus of interest and curiosity for European travellers. It must also be added that the expectations of these travellers about space organisation were frustrated when it came to the functionality of rooms. In fact, the distribution of home space in the European city between common and private areas and between open and forbidden spaces could be blurred to the extent that the locus of sexual space remained sometimes uncertain, moving in space and time, as illustrated by Mumford in the following passage:

Until the curtained bed was invented, sexual intercourse must have taken place for the most part under cover, and whether the bed was curtained or not, in darkness. Privacy in bed preceded the private bedroom; for even in seventeenth-century engravings of upper-middle-class life-and in France, a country of reputed refinement-the bed still often occupies a part of the living room. Under these circumstances, the erotic ritual must have been short and almost secretive, with little preliminary stirring through eye or voice or free movement. (28)

In opposition to this uncertainty and vagueness about the locus of sexual intercourse, the European traveller came to Morocco anticipating the discovery of that oriental forbidden space of licentious freedom: the Harem. But the social behaviour and the architecture of the houses prevented the travellers from seeing or coming into contact with the place of their oriental dreams and phantasms. The architecture of the Moorish house served to shield its women and their family life.

British travel writers saw the Moroccan city as a closed entity surrounded by strong walls and protected by gates that close at night. The main characteristic of the city was closedness and fear of the dangers that beset it with the distinctive feature of refusing and rejecting the Other, that is, the Christian, the European out of shyness, shame, cowardice and fear. This rejection was multidimensional and took religious, political, cultural and economic forms.

Not only did the city seem closed but also the houses and the buildings seemed veiled and hid their secrets behind walls. The Moroccan house seemed screened from the outside world and European travellers noticed the absence of windows except sometimes for small openings that do not function as windows in the European sense. British travellers stressed the narrowness of streets and the absence of windows which according to them gave Moroccan cities and their social life a character of shyness and a tendency to protect privacy and to insist on a veiled social life.

These travel accounts give the impression that the travellers are frustrated again and again because they wanted to see everything, to unveil everything about the city but the city walls and its architectural plan prevented them from doing so. The city is enclosed in walls and social life is encapsulated and cloistered in what seemed to be windowless houses. Rejected by the Muslim part of the city, European visitors were generally housed in the Jewish quarter or the Mellah.

The Moroccan city was historically considered a haven of security and a protected and protecting sanctuary but also a cloistered trap where one is exposed to many a danger. Historians of this country are well aware of the classical division of historical Morocco between Bled Essiba and Bled El Makhzen. It divided Morocco into two spaces: a space of civil order and submission to the central authority or pacified space and a space of rebellion and anarchy, civil war and tribal challenge of the central government. This classical historical division marked the architecture and the urban development of the Moroccan cities. One of its direct consequences is the great efforts made by different dynasties to build walls and fortifications to secure protection against the recurrent attacks of rebellious tribes against that symbol of central authority: the city. The most famous example is Moulay Ismail’s (1672-1727) legendary walling of Meknes which often drew the attention of European travellers to Morocco.

A6) Mosques, Schools and Universities 

According to Lewis Mumford, the city started as ‘a sacred spot, to which scattered groups returned periodically for ceremonials and rituals, the ancient city was first of all a permanent meeting place’’. (29) Although one may not agree that all cities started as ‘sacred spots’, the historical Islamic city whether in North Africa or the Middle East is always planned with the mosque at its centre as its ‘sacred spot’. In his discussion of the required conditions for the founding of a city, the tenth century Muslim historian and thinker, Al-Mawardi, stipulates that eight conditions are necessary for the founding of an Islamic city : providing it with water, planning its roads and streets in proportion to its population, building a mosque for prayers in its centre so as to be near all the city inhabitants, the planning of its markets according to its needs and in suitable spaces, … etc. (30) It is an attempt at democratising the spiritual rights of city dwellers to be as near as possible to the mosque ; it guarantees the right to prayer and above all puts God and religion at the centre of the Islamic city. Thus symbolically and physically the mosque is at the centre of Islamic urban life.

The architecture of the Mosque is a recurrent feature in travel accounts on Morocco, I shall limit myself here to one example from John Buffa who was an army Doctor in Gibraltar and who visited the country in 1805:

The mosques of this town, which I have before mentioned as very numerous, are square buildings, and generally of stone; before the principal gate there is a court paved with white marble, with piazzas round, the roofs of which are supported by marble columns. In niches within these piazzas, the Moors perform their ablutions before they enter the mosques. Attached to each mosque is a tower, with three small open galleries, one above another, whence the people are called to prayer, not by a bell, but by an officer appointed for that duty. These towers, as well as the mosques, are covered with lead and adorned with gilding, and tiles of variegated colours. (31)

The foreign visitors were blind to the social function of the mosque and saw in it only a religious function. Few of them noticed the other functions of the Mosque, including those of school, shelter in case of danger , assembly point and advisory council. Besides his primary role as spiritual guide and religious leader, the Imam or Fkih of the mosque performs social functions, such as that of community adviser and social moderator, judge and even doctor. He also supervises different stages of the Muslim rites of passage including baptism, circumcision and death.

As a sacred space in the Muslim city, the Mosque was forbidden to European Christian visitors as well as to Moorish Jews. A recurrent image reported by European visitors is that of Jews who, out of respect for the sanctity of the Mosque, used to take off their shoes when passing. John Buffa kept a sharp eye on mosques and religious practice in general. While in Tangier, he noted that the ‘British Vice Consul who is a Jew pulled off his slippers when passing mosques as a tribute of respect to which all Jews are compelled’. (32)

Besides the Mosques, the European travellers were much interested in the educational system and in the traditional organisation of schooling. Ali Bey describes the architecture and furniture of the urban school, in the following terms:

In the towns the school is usually a single, ground floor room, without windows, with light coming only through the door. There is no furniture except for mats and a sort of bench on which the teacher squats with his legs folded underneath him. The children sit on the floor in the same fashion. (33)

In his Mysterious Morocco, Ward describes Fez as "The University City" of Morocco. At the Karaouyine University, students are attached to one of five Medrasah (School or College) where they lodge and pay no rent but buy the key from the last occupant. At the Karaouyine Mosque they are taught by Oulamahor "wise and learned men" supported by property left for the endowment of « Kirasi » or chairs. (34) This is only to show that schools, Mosques and all educational spaces constituted both a cultural and an architectural curiosity referred to by most European travellers who visited Morocco. Besides these religious and university spaces, the popular and common open urban areas had their own attractions for the foreign visitor.

For the British traveller the first striking feature about the Moor was their curious clothing. When he first arrived in Tetouan, Buffa was surprised at the clothes worn by women, which he found different from anything he had seen before: a straw hat with an enormous circumference, the piece of cloth covering half the face leaving the eyes peeping out in the middle, and the body enveloped in a coarse haik gave the whole a captivating, exotic touch for our traveller. Both Buffa and Ali Bey noted that the common people walk about with bare legs and arms. They found the Moorish footwear clumsy and characterised them as slippers. These British travellers could not comprehend why the Moors "never took off their turbans, but pull off their slippers, when they attend religious duties". (35) But if the clothes worn by common people were seen as part of their backwardness and awkwardness, most of these travellers could not help admiring the dignified and impressive dress of people of distinction which gave them a touch of ease and pride. About European and Moorish clothes Watson wrote: "I dressed for dinner in full English costume at the cherif's request and felt like a black beetle by the side of these picturesque men..." (36)

When we come to physical description of Moors by British travellers the description is often negative. Buffa, for example, found most Moors ill and ugly even in Fez, where -according to him- the best specimens of Moorish handsomeness can be found. However, Buffa found women in Meknes "excessively handsome and not devoid of neatness" (37)

For Ali Bey the ugliness of the Moor is given a political explanation. He described the tents of a douar (settlement/village) as black and "as ugly as the inhabitants, who are of a copper colour, or yellow, of a very low stature, lean, with a dull and suspicious look; it resembled that which a man might be supposed to wear who knows that he was born for liberty, but who feels that he is crushed by despotism." (38)

For these travellers, ugliness is the rule and fairness an exception, so when Beauclerk saw a pretty Moorish girl, he said that: " she was rather pretty for an Arab girl, who in general are most repulsively ugly..." adding that "an elderly Arab woman is, to my eye, the most disgusting object in nature." (39) Like Ali Bey, Beauclerk found a moral, social and psychological but racist explanation for the ugliness of a section of Moorish population: "Young Jews are beautiful but adults become ugly because of a constant debasement of their minds, servility, avarice, deceit..." (40)

All the British travellers I consider in this paper partook of Moorish hospitality and they all acknowledge that hospitality. Buffa was "most kindly and hospitably " received by the Governor of Laraiche. This generosity was not found only in the higher class of society but was more usual and more frequently met with in the lower classes. While camping near a Douar in the province of Taza, Ali Bey tells us how "The good natured inhabitants of this dowar insisted so friendly on me to stay with them one day, that I could not refuse it, they did their utmost to make me pass my time agreeably." (41) He added later that: "The tribes which lived on the road where I passed continued to show me every civility, and provided me with victuals and forage." (42)

On his 1839 trip to Laraich John Drummond Hay enjoyed this generosity and hospitality of the Sheikh of the villages on his way. On one occasion he wrote: "We had scarcely picketed our tents, when four men presented themselves, bearing a mona (43) of sheep, fowls, barley, … etc., which were laid at our feet on the part of the Hakkem (44) as a provision for the night, and enough there was for five times the number of our little party." (45) But this bountiful mona was not limited to the diplomat since on the same occasion as Hay himself said: "a miserable infidel of a Jew arrived here, and a mona of bread and a fowl was sent him by our lord." (46)

Friendship is an aspect of Moorish social life which struck the 19th-century British travellers as noteworthy. Most travellers made what could have been -at least on the part of the Moors- lasting friendships. Sometimes when the visit was over the leave-taking was made in tears after walking part of the way -a mile or two- with the traveller. Beauclerk wrote:

It may be said of the Moors, that though they are an uneducated people, there are among them many of a very superior order, who are possessed of delicate sense of politeness, and a suavity of manners, rarely equalled even in the polished circles of Europe. Their ideas of friendship are firm and constant, and their honour unquestionable. (47)

The extent of Moorish friendship and generosity reach levels unknown to the British travellers. On one occasion, a Mr. Brown, one of Beauclerk's companions, incautiously admired the Haik worn by Hamet Ben Hassan, a Caid in Marrakech. The Caid's reaction was spontaneous and immediate: he took off the Haik and offered it to the doctor without hesitation and "it was in vain the doctor declared he would not accept it, for the poor fellow said that to refuse his offer would be to refuse his friendship." (48)

John Drummond Hay, that old friend of Morocco, experienced Moorish friendship early in his career. In 1839, while he was camping in the country with a party of Moorish hunters in a wilderness beset by all sorts of dangers, he wrote:

for my supper party [meaning his companions] were as wild a set as could well have been collected together. Yet I felt safe among them , since I had often broken the bread of friendship, and shared with them in their toils and pleasures of the chase: in fact, they looked on me as a brother-sportsman; and, I believe, would have laid down their lives rather than a hair of my head should be injured. (49)

This feeling of security which is warranted by the friendship tie between Hay and his friends is a recurrent feature experienced by many of the travellers under consideration.

British travellers to Morocco have all paid special attention to the Moor's social , psychological and moral behaviour, and in every work large sections are allocated to these descriptions. The overall balance of their value judgements is, as may be expected, negative, but this should not blind us to the fact that the negative portraits are portraits of 19th-century Morocco , a country in political, economic, social and cultural decline. On the other hand, the visitors belong to the 19th-century British Empire, a country at its zenith in wealth and power and the leading European country in the field of technology and industrialisation, which makes the gap between the observer and observed wide indeed.

Most travel accounts consulted agree in their portrayal of the Moor as lazy. All the travellers noted the slowness of the Moor's life. Ali Bey made the point clear: "The most distinguishing characteristic of these people is idleness. At every hour of the day they are seen sitting or stretching themselves in the streets and other public places." (50) Beauclerk, on the other hand, singled out the white Moor for being given to 'sensual pleasures' and indolence. (51) Watson, who exerted himself to be as positive as he could in his treatment of Moorish life, found it hard to adapt to the slowness of Moorish life. He wrote:

To an Englishman who is used to be fully occupied, accustomed ... to live in haste: - the absolute worthlessness of time, and the leisurely movements of the Moors, are at first exceedingly irksome. (52)

Again, the Western code of reference and the social norms the visitor is used to clash with those of the Moroccan culture with the frustrations caused by this incompatibility. But the problem is not only that of a cultural difference or even a clash between two ways of life, but it takes the form of political discourse. Buffa wrote with unusual temperance:

It is therefore fortunate for Europe, that the Moor are so indolent a people; for the immense power this empire might have, were peopled by an industrious and ambitious race of men, would render it the most formidable in the world. (53)

We cannot speak of the Moorish character in the British writings without referring to the place of women in these writings because of the prominent place given to their situation by the British visitors. The Moorish harem represented for the British writer a world of lust and sensuality more real in the tales of the Arabian Nights than in Moorish homes. After describing how the women of the Sultan were locked each night in small rooms, John Drummond Hay comments: "such are the Moorish ideas of female society, that they look upon women in no other light than as instruments of pleasure and sensuality." (54) One of the frustrations of the visitors was the near impossibility of seeing Moorish women. The problem was more acute in the city than in the country., Drummond Hay explained that "The country folk in Morocco , it may be observed by the way, are far less jealous of their women's virtue than those in the towns." (55) The Moorish women of the imperial cities were completely veiled, and it was almost impossible for the British visitor to see or talk to an unveiled women. But when the visitor was a doctor, or thought to be one, as was the case of Captain Beauclerk, then the opportunities were many, as Beauclerk explains: "A Moor... requested we would repair to his house to visit his wife, and as the opportunity was so good for seeing a Moorish woman unveiled, we immediately went there... After this I had the opportunity of seeing many of them." (56)

When in Meknes, Arthur Leared, whose wife was allowed to enter the Harem of the governor, described the women as fat, dirty, and not pretty at all. On another occasion, he was admitted as a doctor to the harem of the governor of Zacouta, of which he says: "A dirtier, plainer set of women it would be difficult to find", (57) and the same Leared was admitted into a Jewish family, where he found that "Few of the Jewesses were handsome, they were in general fat and flabby." (58)

The Moorish Jew received special attention in these travel accounts. The image of the Jew is somehow ambivalent, for, on the one hand, most of the writers could not reconcile their anti-Semitism, which was part of the European heritage of that period, with a sense of compassion for what they considered an oppressed minority among the "savage" Moors. Buffa wrote;" These people are obliged to walk barefooted through the Moorish streets, and they suffer the greatest outrages without a murmur." (59)

Ali Bey wrote that "The Jews in Morocco are in the Most abject state in slavery" (60), and that judges always favour Moslems over Jews, but added that in Mogador for example they represented the richest class and "lived like the merchants of other nations", and that they enjoyed "much more liberty than at any other place". (61) Beauclerk, on the other hand, found that the Jewish Moors of Tangier lived in houses intermingled with the rest of the population, and that their women were pretty and fair and under none of the restraints of other Moorish women. But he could not overcome his anti-Jewish feelings as in this occasional reference to a Jew: "while we were waiting on the shore the return of the messenger a dirty-looking fellow in the European costume came up to us and introduced himself as a Jew merchant of Tetouan". (62) Beauclerk later gave an account of how they were cheated by this Jew, whom he described as belonging to a community of " proverbial cheats". (63) According to Beauclerk, deceit and avarice were hereditary inherent characteristics of the Jew. He says: "the Jewish boy has hardly turned the seventh year, when he is taken in by hand by the elder brethren, and taught 'to make the worse appear the better bargain'". (64) But despite these anti-Jewish prejudices, Beauclerk was indignant about the fact that rich Jews had to pay up to eight thousand dollars to the Makhzen in order to have permission to wear large European hats instead of skull caps.

When talking about Moroccan Jewesses, Drummond Hay found that some of them: "rivalled in regularity of features, even my own dear country women - the fairest of the fair..., but there is nothing intellectual about her , and she is in truth merely a beautiful animal". (65) In fact for Hay all Jews were dirty, and when he visited a synagogue all he saw was " a greasy-faced Rabbi [who] ...was standing before a dirty desk and [who] held in his hand a still dirtier book of prayers" (66) But as historians know, this same Drummond Hay defended unrelently the cause of Moroccan Jews at a later stage when he became influential in the court of Morocco. That the Jews were dirty was reiterated by Watson, who reported that when the Bashaw of El Ksar Kebir tried to introduce sanitary regulations, the Jews opposed paying any contribution, adding that "when we visited the Jews' quarter we found it a simple abomination!... Words fail me to express the filthiness of the streets". (67)

Arthur Leared summed up his observation on the condition of the Jews in Morocco in the following words: "In the midst of insult and bad treatment, they manage to exist, and a few of them to become rich. It was painful to see". (68) Apart from any truth value that this discourse about the Jews may hold, it is certain that it helped to create in the minds of decision makers in Britain a need to protect the Jews of Morocco, that need which added to other political and economic needs made the interests of Britain in Morocco greater and its interventions in the internal affairs of the country more frequent to the point where colonization was seriously considered.

The low state of education and sciences in 19th century Morocco received much attention from the visitors of Barbary. Buffa noted that "the illiterate system of the Moors has also completely shut the door against the arts and sciences , and all knowledge of the value of a free and secure commerce." (69) Ali Bey found that the Moors were plunged in the grossest ignorance because they had no art of printing. When he visited the Qarawyine University in Fez and met the Ulemas there, he found that they had no idea about the movement of the earth nor the slightest idea of physics, chemistry, … etc. He also found in the old university a terrestrial globe and a celestial globe which were abandoned to the dust, damp and rats because " the Mahometans do not know how to use them " . (70) About the educational system in Fez Ali Bey wrote "... all their studies are confined to the Koran and its commentations and to some trifling principles of grammar and logic" (71) And when talking about the Moorish maritime skills, Bey commented that "it is happier for Europe that they never think of improving in this art", (72) as this would encourage piracy.

In Marrakech, Ali found that 'arts and sciences are entirely out of question as there is hardly a school of any note" . (73) Arthur Leared, the physician, was amused at the Moors' reluctance to drink effervescent pills, thinking the water was boiling. And after taking the medicine the patient gave out a furious rush of imprisoned gas which was interpreted as an evil spirit leaving the body. Leared used an electro-magnetic apparatus to demonstrate electric shocks to the unbelieving Moors. These and other instances recorded by these visitors contributed to create the image of backwardness and ignorance of the Moors. All the visitors agreed that the savage Moors were in need of the civilizing power of the British Empire. For Buffa this backwardness had a direct impact on Moorish trade, for him the illiterate system of the Moors was responsible for their ignorance of the value of "free and secure commerce.". (74) The same backwardness was responsible for the poor state of Moorish ports: a fact which hindered trade since the installations at these ports were not made to receive the merchant vessels which moored in Barbary. The same ignorance, and absence of a skilful approach to agriculture left half the country unexploited. Beauclerk noted that: "the plains of Ducalla alone, are capable of producing in one year as much corn, as the United kingdom of Great Britain", (75) and Drummond Hay took the comparison further when he stated the country was so rich that with a good government it could produce as much as the whole of North Europe and the Tropics. (76)

The 'backwardness' of the Moor was portrayed in the British writings under consideration through critical remarks pertaining to the political system and the military capabilities of the country. Ali Bey for example, wrote: "Let us ever regard with horror such despotic governments, where subjects are so wretched, where nature has been so bountiful! " (77) In other words, Bey's discourse is that Morocco was a rich country which needed to be saved by a civilized European power. The same point is made by Beauclerk who found the whole fabric of the Moroccan government shaky and every department in utter decay and backwardness, adding that the country was very under-peopled and nothing short of the head and the hand of Bonaparte could save it. (78) Drummond Hay had the same view and thought that Morocco was a rich country which needed a good government. In line with this view, some travel accounts paid special attention to the defensive fortifications of the cities and the military capabilities of the Moors showing that this under-peopled and rich country was too weak to defend itself against any European invader. For Beauclerk, the chief engineer and the chief bombardier of the Sultan's army, were two Spanish soldiers unworthy of military responsibility. The Moorish regular army according to this captain of the British Empire was composed of 700 soldiers "more wretchedly equipped, " (79) but although every Moor is liable to be called upon to serve as militia Beauclerk thought that: "in a country where the greater part of the population consists of tribes of men of any country, as the Arabs, no great sacrifices can be expected from the emulation of patriotism. He that is born under a camel's hair tent on the desert, has few localities around to endear him to the country of his birth". (80) Thus, for Beauclerk the Army was badly supervised, wretchedly equipped and with no patriotic feelings which made it very vulnerable to attack by the British Army. He even went further and imagined himself in the battlefield for another conquest of Morocco for the glory of the British empire and gave the Empire this useful advice: "In a country like this, cavalry would be the most useful, as the soft sand of the road would prevent the rapid movements of the infantry, and make them an easier prey to the cavalry of the enemy." (81) adding that there was no need for the infantry since "the fortification of their towns is a mere burlesque of the term." (82) In fact Beauclerk thought that Mogador - the most fortified of the Moorish ports could be captured by any naval officer in ten minutes . Drummond Hay found that the whole of the Moorish Marine force which consisted of a few old vessels and which were unfit for the sea represent "the sorry remnant of the naval forces of Morocco, whose Sallee rovers used to keep in constant alarm the peaceful merchantmen of Christendom." (83)

All this shows us that these travel accounts are not as innocent as they may appear at first and that most travellers were politically conscious of the implications of their belonging to an empire with interests in Barbary.

This paper has analysed the portrayal of Morocco as a country and as a culture by British travellers. The endeavour was to show how what was imagined about the country, what was a fantastic legend about Morocco, what started as an innocent story and a literary entertainment for British readers built up to make a discourse about colonisation. I analysed exotic stories like Fletcher's account of Drake's 1577 globe circumnavigation and his legend about the Moroccan 'Citty of Lyons' to stark, open invitations to use military force to colonise the country in late 19th century travel texts like Montbard's. A survey of these texts shows how their writers were conscious and unconscious informants preparing the way for the European colonisation of the country. These travel texts are the living witnesses of an evolution through which a culture was forced to open itself to foreign powers. The closed gates of the Moorish cities were opened in the end to foreign travellers and to 'free' trade. The majestic, high walls of the imperial cities can no longer protect the privacy of a jealous people from the scrutinising eye of the European Other. The traditional architecture of cities with their narrow winding streets has given way through the influence of French modern cities and French plans of urbanization to a hybrid architecture which has lost much of the simplicity and beauty of the old medinas without attaining any of the modernity of developed western cities. Houses are no longer built with blind walls; windows are fitted in modern Moroccan buildings which lack much of the warmth of their original identity. The people have given up their awkward clothes and clumsy shoes for European and "more civilised" clothing. As for the decay described by these travellers: much of it is still there. The colonial missionaries of civilisation left much of it where they found it. Socially and culturally things have fallen apart. Old values are blurred, new cultural notions are introduced, and many western codes of references are universalised and imposed. No one could have predicted that these travellers were the early messengers announcing the breaching of geographical and cultural borders. The travellers' discourse about Morocco contributed directly and indirectly to the fashioning of European political attitudes towards the country and its subsequent colonisation. From the beginning and up to the end of the 19th century there was an almost homogeneous discourse on Morocco, if not about the necessity of its colonisation, about its difference and backwardness. Today British and European post-colonial writings and literatures about the country are diverse and ambivalent and no one can predict the next historical turn reserved for a country in a complex international context framed by globalisation and its new values.

1. Part of this paper was presented at the Conference on The Movement of People and Ideas between Britain and the Maghreb 14-17 Sep. 2002, The University of Exeter, Exeter, UK.

2. David Thomson, The New Imperialism: The White Man's Burden, (Middlesex: Penguin, 1950) 203

3. David Thomson, 203

4. Steve Clark (ed.), Travel Writing and Empire, (London: Z Books, 1999) 5

5. Steve Clark (ed.), Travel Writing and Empire, (London: Z Books, 1999) 1.

6. Steve Clark, 1.

7. Quoted in Margaret and Robin Bidwell, Morocco, The Traveller's Companion (London and New York: 1992) 113. [from James Richardson, Travels in Morocco by the Late James Richardson, edited by his widow, London, 2 Volumes, 1860.

8. Francis Fletcher, in Henry de Castries, Sources de l’Histoire du Maroc, 1905-, Paris Series 1, vol. I, (281), 1905. This is an account of Sir Francis Drake’s 1577 globe circumnavigation written by his chaplain Francis Fletcher; the extract refers to the expedition passage by the Moroccan coast (Mogador and Cap Blanc).

9. Tiznit is a town with a long history South of Agadir.

10. Saints and Sorcerers: A Moroccan Jorney (London, 1958) 186.

11. Nina Epton, 186.

12. Arthur Leared, A Visit to the Court of Morocco (London, 1879) 6.

13. David Spurr, The Rhetoric of Empire, Colonial Discourse in Journalism, Travel Writing and Imperial Administration (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1993) 141.

14. Anonymous, 'Tetouan', in Frazer's Magazine, New Series, April 1875, Vol. 11, no. 64 (445).

15. Arthur Leared, A Visit to the Court of Morocco (London, 1879) 54.

16. Anonymous, 'Tetouan', in Frazer's Magazine, 442.

17. Arthur Leared, 6-7.

18. Ali Bey, Travels of Ali Bey el Abassi (1816) 13.

19. George Montbard, Among the Moors, Sketches of Oriental Life (London, 1894) 55-56.

20. George Montbard, 57.

21. Note that these were the curses of the country at repeated periods of its history. A relevant pamphlet was written on the subject by G. Wilkins in 1606( ?) under the title of The Three Miseries of Barbary : Plague, Famine and Civill Warr (Amsterdam and New York: Da Capo Press Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1969).

22. John Buffa, Travels through the Empire of Morocco (London, 1910) 174-5. Note that Morocco was the old name of Marrakech.

23. Arthur Leared, A visit To the Court of Morocco (London, 1879) 6.

24. Georges Montbard, 55.

25. Leila Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1992) 116-117.

26. John Buffa, 149.

27. Frazer's Magazine, 442.

28. Lewis Mumford, The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and its Prospects (New York, 1961) 286.

29. Lewis Mumford, 95.

30. S. Sebti Abd El Ahad, & Halima Farhat). AlMadina Fi Al Asri Al Wassit (Beirut and Casablanca: AlMarkaz Althakafi Al Arabi, 1994) 18.

31. John Buffa, 147

32. John Buffa, 69

33.Ali Bey quoted by Bidwell, 211.

34. H. J. B Ward, Mysterious Morocco and How to Appreciate it (London, n.d.) 170.

35. John Buffa, 143

36. Robert Spence Watson, A Visit to Wazan, The sacred City of Morocco (London, 1880) 189.

37. John Buffa, 160.

38. Ali Bey, 123.

39. Beauclerk, 113.

40. Beauclerk, 27.

41. Ali Bey, 196.

42. Ali Bey, 199.

43. 'Mona' is a gift of food for travellers.

44. The governor

45. John Drummond Hay, Western Barbary: Its Wild Tribes and its Savage Animals (London 1844) 23-24.

46. John Drummond Hay, 24

47. Beauclerk, A Journey to Morocco (London, 1928) 102.

48. Beauclerk, 247.

49. Drummond Hay, 12.

50. Ali Bey, 16.

51. Beauclerk, 274.

52. Robert Spence Watson, 76.

53. John Buffa, 136.

54. Drummond Hay, 98.

55. Drummond Hay, 26.

56. Beauclerk, 31.

57. Arthur Leared, 19.

58. Arthur Leared, 39.

59. John Buffa, 139-140.

60. Ali Bey, 33.

61. Ali Bey, 147.

62. Beauclerk, 116.

63. Beauclerk, 154.

64. Beauclerk, 279.

65. Drummond Hay, 66.

66. Drummond Hay, 69.

67. Robert Spence Watson, 165.

68. Arthur Leared, 39.

69. John Buffa, 180.

70. Ali Bey, 69.

71. Ali Bey, 121.

72. Ali Bey, 128.

73. Ali Bey, 157.

74. John Buffa, 180.

75. Beauclek, 286.

76. Drummond Hay, 22.

77. Ali Bey, 126.

78. Beauclerk, 262.

79. Beauclerk, 270.

80. Beauclerk, 271.

81. Beauclerk, 273.

82. Beauclerk, 273.

83. Drummond Hay, 60.