Plutarch's Lives Volume
I
Source: Plutarch of Charonea, 46-120 A.D.
The
Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romanes Compared Together. Translated
out of Greek into French by James Amyot, Abbot of Bellozane, Bishop of
Auxerre, and out of French into Englishe by Thomas North. Printed at the
Shakespeare Head Press, Stratford-upon-Avon. Boston and New York: Houghton
Mifflin, 1928. 8 volumes. Before using any portion of this text
in any theme, essay, research paper, thesis, or dissertation, please read
the disclaimer.
Transcription conventions: Volume I page
numbers in angle brackets refer to the edition cited as the source. Words
or phrases singled out for indexing are marked by plus signs. In the index,
numbers in parentheses indicate how many times the item appears. I have
allowed Greek passages to stand as the scanner read them, in unintelligible
strings of characters.
Table of Contents: Amiot to the Readers+
THE reading of bookes which bring but a vaine and unprofitable pleasure
to the Reader, is justly misliked of wise and grave men. Againe, the reading
of such as doe but onely bring profit, and make the Reader to be in love
therewith, and doe not ease the payne of the reading by some pleasauntnes
in the same: doe seeme somewhat harshe to divers delicate wits, that can
not tary long upon them. But such bookes as yeeld pleasure and profit,
and doe both delight and teache, have all that a man can desire why they
should be universally liked and allowed of all sortes of men, according
to the common saying of the Poet Horace: That he which matcheth profit
with delight, Doth winne the price in every poynt aright. Eyther of these
yeeld his effect the better, by reason the one runneth with of the other,
profiting the more bicause of the delight, and deliting the more bicause
of the profit. This commendation (in my opinion) is most proper to the
reading of stories, to have pleasure and profit matched together which
kind of delight and teaching meeting in this wise arme in arme, hath more
allowance then any other kind of waiting or invention of man. In respect
whereof it may be reasonably avowed, that men are more beholding to <Plut1-xiii>
TO THE READERS such good wits, as by their, grave and wise writing
have deserved the name of Historiographers, then they are to any other
kind of writers: bicause an historie is an orderly register of notable
things said, done, or happened in time past, to mainteyne the continual
remembrance of them, and to serve for the instruction of them to come.
And like as memorie is as a storehouse of mens conceits and devises, without
the which the actions of the other two parts should be unperfect and welneare
unprofitable: So may it also be sayd, that an historie is the very treasury
of mans life, whereby the notable doings and sayings of men, and the wonderful
adventures and straunge cases (which the long continuance of time bringeth
forth) are preserved from the death of forgetfulnes. Here-uppon it riseth,
that Plato the wise sayth, that the name of historie was given to this
recording of matters, to stay the fleting of our memorie, which otherwise
would be soone lost, and retaine litle. And we may well perceive how greatly
we be beholding unto it, if we doe no more but consider in how horrible
darkenes, and in how beastly and pestilent a quamyre of ignorance we should
be plunged: if the remembrance of all the thinges that have beene done,
and have happened before we were borne, were utterly drowned and forgotten.
Now therefore I will overpasse the excellencie and worthines of the thing
it selfe, forasmuch as it is not onely of more antiquatie then any other
kind of writing that ever was in the worlde, but also was used among men,
before there was any use of letters at all: bicause that men in those dayes
delivered in their lifetimes the remembrance of things past to their successors,
in songes, which thy caused their children to learne by hart, from hand
to hand, as is to be seene yet in our dayes, by thexample of the barbarous
people that inhabite the newfound landes in the West, who without any records
of writings, have had the knowledge of thinges pafst welneare eight hundred
yeares afore. Likewise I leave to discourse, that it is the surest, safest,
and durablest monument that men can leave of their doings in <Plut1-xiv>
TO THE READERS this world, to consecrate their names to immortality.
For there is nether picture, nor image of marble, nor arche of triumph,
nor piller, nor sumptuous sepulchre, that can match the durablenes of an
eloquent history, furnished with the properties which it ought to have.
Again, I mind not to stand much upon this, that it hath a certaine troth
in it, in that it alwayes professeth to speake truth, and for that the
proper ground therof is to treate of the greatest and highest things that
are done in the world: insomuch that (to my seeming) the great profit thereof
is as Horace sayth, that it is commonly called the mother of trothe and
uprightness which commendeth it so greatly, as it nedeth not elswhere to
seeke any authoritie, or ornament or dignitie, but of her very selfe. For
it is a certaine rule and instruction+, which by examples past, teacheth
us to judge of things present, and to foresee things to come: so as we
may knowe what to like of, and what to follow, what to mislike, and what
to eschew. It is a picture, which (as it were in a table) setteth before
our eyes the things worthy of remembrance that have bene done in olde time
by mighty nations, noble kings and Princes, wise governors, Valliant Capteines,
and persons renowned for some notable qualitie, representing unto us the
maners of straunge nations, the lawes and customes of old time, the particular
affaires of men, their consultations and enterprises, the meanes that they
have used to compasse them withall, and their demeaning of them selves
when they were comen to the highest, or throwen downe to the lowest degree
of state. So as it is not possible for any case to rise either in peace
or warre, in publike or private affaires, but that the person which shall
have diligently red, well conceived, and throughly remembred histories,
shall find matter in them whereat to take light and counsell wherby to
resolve himselfe to take a part, or to give advice unto others, how to
choose in doubtfull and dangerous cases that, which may be for their most
profit and in time to find out to what poynt the matter will come if it
be well handled; and how to moderate him selfe in prosperity and how to
cheer up and beare him selfe <Plut1-xv>
TO THE READERS adversities. These things it doth with much greater
grace, efficacie and speede, than the bookes of morall_Philosophie+ doe:
forasmuch as examples are of more force to move and instruct, than are
the arguments and proofs of reason, or their precise precepts, bicause
examples be the very formes of our deedes and accompanied with all circumstances.
Whereas reasons and demonstrations are generall, and tend to the proofe
of things, and to the beating of them into understanding: and examples
tende to the showing of them in practise and execution, bicause they doe
not only declare what is to be done, but also worke a desire to do it,
as well in respect of a certaine naturall inclination which all men have
to follow examples, as also for the beawtie of vertue+, which is of such
power, that wheresoever she is seene, she maketh herselfe to be loved and
liked. Againe, it doth things with greater weight and gravitie, than the
inventions and devices of the Poets: bicause it helpeth not it selfe with
any other thing than with the plaine truth, wheras Poetry doth commonly
inrich things by commending them above the starres and their deserving,
bicause the chiefe intent thereof is to delight. Moreover, it doth thinges
with more grace and modestie than the civill lawes and ordinances doe:
bicause it is more grace for a man to teach and instruct, than to chastise
or punisb. And yet for all this, an historie also hath his maner of punishing
the wicked, by the reproch of everlasting infamies wherewith it defaceth
their remembrance, which is a great meane to withdraw them from vice, who
otherwise would be lewd & wickedly disposed. Likewise on the contrarie
parte, the immortal praise and glorie wherewith it rewardeth welldoers,
is a very lively and sharpe spurre for men of noble corage and gentlemanlike+
nature, to cause them to adventure upon all maner of noble and great things.
For bookes are full of examples of men of high corage and wisedom, who
for desire to continue remembraunce of their name, by the sure and certain
recorde of histories, have willing yeelded their lives to the service of
the common weale, spent their goods, <Plut1-xvi>
TO THE READERS suffered infinite peines both of bodie and minde in
defence of the oppressed, in making common buildings, in establishing of
lawes and governments, and in the finding out of artes and sciences necessarie
for the maintenance and ornament of mans life: for the faithfull regsitering
thereof, the thankes is due to histories. And although true vertue seeke
no reward of her commendable doings like a hireling, but contenteth her
selfe with the conscience of her well doing: yet notwithstanding I am of
opinion, that it is good and meete to draw men by all meanes to good doing,
and good men ought not to be forbidden to hope for the honor of their vertuous
deedes, seeing that honor doth naturally accompanie vertue, as the shadow
doth the bodie. For we commonly see, not to feele the markes of desire
of honor, is an infallible signe of a base, vile and cloynish nature: and
that such as account it an unnecessarie, needelesse, or unseemely thing
to be praised, are likewise no doers of any things worthy of praise, but
are commonly men of faint corage, whose thoughtes extend no further than
to their lives, whereof also the have no further remembraunce than is before
their eyes. But if the Counsel of olde men be to be greatlie esteemed,
bicause they must needes have seene much by reason of their long life:
and if they that have travelled long in straunge countries, and have had
the managing of many affaires, and have gotten great experience of the
doings of this world, are reputed for sage, and worthie to hbave the reynes
of great governmentes put into their handes: how greatly is the reading
of histories to be esteemed, which is able to furnishe us with mo examples
in one day, than the whole Course of the longest iife of any man is able
to doe? Insomuch that they which exercise them selves in in reading as
they ought to doe, although they be but young, become such in respect of
understanding the affaires of this world, as if they were old and grayheaded,and
of long experience. Yea though they never have removed out of their houses,
yet are they advertised, informed, and satisfied of all things in the world,
aswell as they that have shortned their lives by innumerable travells and
<Plut1-xvii>
TO THE READERS infinite daungers, in ronning over the whole earth that
is inhabited. Whereas on the contrary part, they that are ignorant of the
things that were done and come to passe before they were borne, continue
stil as children, though they be never so aged, and are but as straungers
in their owne native contries. To be short, it may be truely sayd, that
the reading of histories is the schole of wisedom, to facion mens understanding,
by considering advisedly the state of the world that is past, and by marking
diligently by what lawes, maners, & discipline, Empires, kingdoms &
dominions, have in old time bene established, and afterward mainteyned
& increased: or contrariwise chaunged, diminished, & overthrowen.
Also we reade, that whensoever the right sage & vertuous Emperour of
Rome, Alexander Severus, was to consult of any matter of great importance
whether it concerned warres or government: he alwayes called such to counsell,
as were reported to be well seene in histories. Notwithstanding I know
there are that will stand against me in this poynt, and uphold that the
reading of histories can serve to small purpose, or none at all, towards
the getting of skill: bicause skill consisteth in action, and is ingendred
by the very experience and practise of things, when a man doth wel marke
and throughly beare away the things that be hath seene with his eyes, and
found true by proofe, according to the saying of the auncient Poet Afranius.
My name is skill, my Syre Experience hyght, And memorie bred and brought
me forth to lyght. Which thing was ment likewise by the Philosopher that
sayd, that the hand is the instrument of skill. By reason whereof it comes
to passe (say they) that such as speake of matters of government and state,
but specially of matters of warre by the booke, speake but as booke knights,
as the Frenche proverbe termeth them, after the manner of Graecians, who
call him a booke Pilot, which hath not the sure and certaine knowledge
of the things that he speakes of: meaning thereby, that it is not for <Plut1-xviii>
TO THE READERS a man to trust to the understanding which he hathe gotten
by reading, in things that consist in the deede doing, where the hand is
to be set to the worke: no more then the often hearing of men talke and
reason of paynting or the disputing uppon colors, without taking of the
pensill in hand, can stand a man in any stead at all to make him a good
paynter. But on the contrary part, many have proved wise men and good Captaines,
which could neither write nor reade. Besides this, they alleage further,
that in matters of warre, all things alter from yeare to yeare: by meanes
whereof the slights and policies that are to be learned out of bookes,
will serve the turne no more than mynes that are blowen up. According whereunto
Cambyses telleth his sonne Cyrus in Xenophon, that like as in Musicke the
newest songs are commonly best liked of for once, bicause they were never
heard afore: So in the warres, those policies that never were practised
afore, are those that take best successe, and commonly have the best effect,
bicause the enemies doe least doubt of them. Neverthelesse I am not he
that will mainteyne that a wise governor of a common weale or a great Captaine
can be made of such a person, as hath never travelled out of his study,
and from his bookes: howbeit that which Cicero writeth of Lucius Lucullus,
is true, that when he departed out of Rome as Captaine generall and Lieuetenant
of the Pomanes, to make warre against kinge Mithridates, he had no experience
at all of the warres, and yet afterward be bestowed so great diligence
in the reading of histories, and in conferring uppon every poynt with the
olde Captaines and men of long experience, whome he caried with him, that
by the tyme of his comming into Asia, where he was in deede to put his
matters in execution, he was found to he a very suffcient Captaine, as
appeared by his deedes: insomuch that by those wayes, cleane contrary to
the common order of warre, he discomfited two of the most puyssant, and
greatest Princes that were at that time in the East. For his understanding
was so quicke, his care so vigilant, and his courage so greate, that he
needed no longe tray- <Plut1-xix>
TO THE READERS ning nor grosse instrucion by experience. And although
I graunt there have beene diverse Governors and Captaynes, which by the
onely force of nature (furthered by longe continewed experience) have done
goodly and greate exploytes: yet can it not be denyed me, but that if they
had matched the giftes of nature with the knowledge of learning, and the
reading of histories, they might have done much greater thinges, and the
might have becomen much more perfect. For like as in every other cunning
and skill wherein a man intendeth to excell: so also to become a perfect
and sufficient person to governe in peace and warre, there are three thinges
of necessitie required, nameley, nature, art, and practise. Nature (in
the case that we treate of) must furnishe us with a good mother wit, with
a bodie well disposed to endure all maner of travell, and with a good will
to advaunce our selves: Art must geve us judgement and knowledge, gotten
by the examples and wise discourses that we have read and double read in
good histories: and practise will get us readinesse, assurednesse, and
the ease how to put thinges in execucion. For though skill be the ruler
of doing the deede, yet it is a vertue of the minde which teacheth a man
the meane poynt, betwene the two faultie extremities of too much and too
litle, wherein the commendation of all doinges consisteth. And whosoever
he is that goeth about to attaine to it by the onely triall of experience,
and had lever to learne it at his owne cost, than at an other mans: he
may well be of the number of those that are touched by the auncient proverbe,
which sayth, Experience is the schoolemistresse of fooles: because mans
life is so short, and experience is hard and daungerous, specially in matters
of warre, wherein (according to the sayin of Tamachus the Athenian Captaine)
a man can not fault twice, bicause the faultes are so great, that most
commonly they bringe with them the overthrow of the state, or the losse
of the lives of those that do them. Therefore we must not tary for this
wiit that is won by experience, which costeth so deere, and is so long
a comming, that a man is ofttimes dead in the seeking of it before he <Plut1-xx>
TO THE READERS have attained it, so as he had neede of a seconde life
to imploy it in, because of the overlate comming by it. But we must make
speed by our diligent and continual reading of histories both old and new,
that we may enjoy this happinesse which the Poet speaketh of. A happie
wight is he that by mishappes of others, doth beware of afterclappes. By
the way, as concerning those that say that paper will beare all things:
if there be any that unworthily take upon them the name of historiographers,
and deface the dignity of the story for hatred or favor, by mingling any
untrueth with it. that is not the fault of the historie, but of the men
that are partial, who abuse that name unworthily, to cover and cloke their
owne passions withall, which thing shall never come to passe, if the writer
of the storie have the properties that are necessarily required in a storie
writer, as these: That he set aside all affection, he voyde of envy, hatred,
and flattery: that he be a man experienced in the affaires of the world,
of good utterance, and good judgement to discerne what is to he sayd, and
what to he left unsayd, and what would do more harme to have it declared,
than do good to have it reproved or condemned: forasmuch as his chiefe
drift ought to be to serve the common weale, and that he is but as a register
to set downe the judgements and definitive sentences of Gods Court, whereof
some are geven according to the ordinarie course and capacitie of our weake
naturall reason, and other some goe according to Gods infinite power and
incomprehensible wisedom, of mans understanding, who being unable to reach
the bottom of his judgements, and to finde out the first motions and groundes
thereof, do impute the cause of them to a certaine fortune, which is nought
else but a fained device of mans wit, dazzled at the beholding of such
brightnesse, and confounded a the gaging of so bottomlesse a deepe, howbeit
nothing commeth to passe nor is done without the leave of him that <Plut1-xxi>
TO THE READERS is the verie right and trueth it selfe, with whom nothing
is past or to come, and who knoweth and understandeth the very originall
causes of all necessitie. The consideration whereof teacheth men to humble
them selves under his mightie hande hy acknowledging that there is one
first cause which overruleth nature, whereof it commeth, that neither hardinesse
is alwaies happie, nor wisedom alwaies sure of good successe. {fortune+}
These so notable commodities are every where accompanied with singular
delight, which proceedeth chiefly of diversitie and novelty wherein our
nature delighteth and is greatly desirous of: bicause we having an earnest
inclination towards our prosperity and advauncement, it goeth on still,
seeking it in every thing which it taketh to be goodly, or good in this
world. But forasmuch as it findeth not wherewith to content it selfe under
the cope of heaven, it is soone weary of the things that it had earnestly
desired affore, and so goeth on wandring in the unskiffulnes of her likings
wherof she never ceasseth to make a continue chaunging until she have fully
satisfied her desires, by attaining to the last end, which is to be knit
to her chief felicity, where is the full perfection of goodlines and goodnes.
This liking of varietie can not be better releeved; than by that which
is the finder out and the preserver of time, the father of all novelties
and messenger of antiquitie. For if we finde a certaine singular pleasure,
in hearkening to such as he returned from some long voyage, and doe report
things which they have seene in straunge contries, as the maners of people,
the natures of places, and the fashions of lives, differing from ours:
and if we be sometime so ravished with delight and pleasure at the hearing
of the talke of some wise, discreete, and well spoken old man, from whose
mouth there floweth a streame of speech sweeter than honnie, in rehearsing
the adventures which he hath had in his greene an youthful yeares, the
paines that he hath endured, and the perils he hath overpassed, so as we
perceive not how the time goeth away: how much more ought we be ravished
with delight and wondring, to behold the state of mankind, and the true
<Plut1-xxii>
TO THE READERS successe of things, which antiquitie hath and doth bring
forth from the beginning of the world, as the setting up of Empires, the
oerthrow of Monarchies, the rising and falling of Kingdoms, and all things
else worthie admiration, and the same lively, set forth in the faire, rich,
and true table of eloquence? And that so lively, as in the very reading
of them we feele our mindes to be so touched by them, not as though the
thinges were alreadie done and past, but as though they were even then
presently in doing, and we finde our selves caried away with gladnesse
and griefe through feare or hope, well neere as though we were then at
the doing of them: whereas notwithstanding we be not in any paine or daunger,
but only conceive in our mindes the adversities that other folkes have
endured, our selves sitting safe with our contentation & ease, according
to these verses of the Poet Lucretius: It is a pleasure for to sit at ease
Upon the land, and safely thence to see How other folkes are tossed on
the seaes, That with the blustring windes turmoyled be. Not that the sight
of others miseries Doth any way the honest hart delight, But for bicause
it liketh well our eyes, To see harmes free that on our selves might light.
Also it is seene that the reading of histories doth so holde and allure
good wits, that divers times it not only maketh them to forget all other
pleasures, but also serveth very fittely to turne away their griefes, and
somtimes also to remedie their diseases. As for example, we find it written
of Alphonsus King of Naples, that Prince so greatly renowmed in Chronicles
for his wisedom and goodnesse, that being sore sicke in the citie of Capua
when his Phisitions had spent all the cunning that they had to recover
him his health, and he saw that nothing prevailed: he determined with him
selfe to take no mo medicines, hbt for his recreacion caused the storie
of Quintus Curtius, concerning the deedes of <Plut1-xxiii>
TO THE READERS Alexander the great, to be red before bim: at the hearing
whereof he tooke so wonderfull pleasure, that nature gathered strongth
by it, and overcame the waywardnes of his disease. Whereupon having soone
recovered his helth, he discharged his Phisitions with such word as these:
Feast me no more with your Hippocrates and Galene, sith they can no skill
to helpe me to recover my helth: but well fare Quintus Curtius that could
so good skill to helpe me to recover my helth. Now if the reading and knowledge
of histories be delightfull and profitible to all other kind of folke:
I say it is much more for great Princes and Kings, bicause they have to
do with charges, of greatest weight and difficultie, to best stored with
giftes and knowledge for the discharge of their dueties: seeing the ground
of stories is, to treate of all maner of high matters of state, as warres,
battells, cities, contries, treaties of peace and alliances, and therefore
it seemeth more fit for them, than for any other kinde of degrees of men:
bicause they being bred and brought up tenderly, and at their ease, by
reason of the great regard and care that is had of their persons, (as is
meete for so great states to have) they take not so great paines in their
youth for the learning of things as behoveth those to take which will learne
the noble auncient languages, and the painfull doctrine comprehended in
Philosophie. Againe, when thy come to mans state, their charge calleth
them to deale in great affaires, so as there remaineth no exercise of wit
more convenient for them, than the reading of histories in their owne tunge,
which without paine is able to teache them even with great pleasure and
ease, whatsoever the painfull workes of the Philosophers concerning the
government of common weales can shewe them, to make them skilful in the
well ruling and governing of the people and contries that God hath put
under their subjection. But the worst is, that they ever (or for the most
part) have such maner of persons about them as seeke nothing els but to
please them by all the wayes they can, and there are very few that dare
tell them the truth freely in all things: whereas on the contrary part,
an history flattereth+ <Plut1-xxiv>
TO THE READERS them not, but layeth open before their eyes the faults
and vices of such as were like them in greatnesse of degree. and therefore
Demetrius Phalereus (a man renowned aswell for his skill in good government
of a common weale as for his excellent knowledge otherwise) counselled
Ptolomy after the death of Alexander the great that he should often and
diligently reade the bookes that treated of the government of kingdomes,
bicause (sayd he) thou shalt find many things there which thy servaunts
and familiar friendes dare not tell thee. Moreover, this is another thinge,
that suche great personages can not easily travell out of the bounds of
their dominions, to goe view straunge contries as private persons doe:
bicause the jelousie of their state, and the regarde of their dignitie,
requires that they should never he in place where another man might commaund
them. And often times for want of having seene the contries, and knowen
the people and Princes that are their neighhours, they have adventured
uppon attempts without good ground. to avoyde the which, the instruction
they may have by the reading of histories, is one of the easiest and fittest
remedies that can be found. And though there were none other cause then
onely this last, surely it ought to induce Princes to the reading of histories,
wherein are written the heroical deeds of wise and valiant men, specially
of kings that have bene before them, the considering whereof may cause
them to be desirous to become like them, specially which were of stately
& noble courage: because the seedes of Princely vertues that are bred
with them selves, doe then quicken them up with an emulacion towards those
that have bene or are equall in degree with them, aswell in respect of
noblenes of bloud, as of greatnes of state, so as they be loth to give
place to any person, and much lesse can find in their in their harts to
be outgone in glory of vertuous doings. Whereof innumerable examples might
be alleaged if the thing were not so well knowen of it self, that it were
much more against reason to doubt of it, than needefull to prove it. Therefor
a man may <Plut1-xxv>
TO THE READERS truely conclude, that an historie is the scholemistresse
to Princes, at whose hand they may without payne, and with singular pleasure,
learn the most part of the things that belonge to their office. Now, according
to the diversitie of the matter that it treateth of, or the order and manner
of writing that it useth, it hath sondry names given unto it: But yet among
the rest there are two chiefe kinds. The one which setteth downe mens doings
and adventures at length, is called by the common name of an historie:
the other which declareth their natures, sayings, and maners, a properly
named their lives. And although the ground of them both doe cloze very
neare in one, yet doth the one respect more the things, and the other the
Persons: the one more common, and the other more private: the one concerneth
more the things that are without the man, and the other the things that
proceede from within: the one the events, the other the consultacions:
betwene the which there is oftentymes great oddes, according to this aunswer
to the Persian Siramnes, to such as marvelled how it came to passe, that
his devices being so politike had so unhappy successe: It is (quod he)
bicause my devices are wholly from my own invention, but the effects of
them are in the disposition of fortune+ and the king. And surely among
all those that ever have taken uppon them to write the lives of famous
men, the chiefe prerogative, by the judgement of such as are clearest sighted
is justly given to the Greeke Philosopher Plutarke, borne in the city of
Chaeronea in the contry of Boetia, a noble man, perfect in all rare knowledge,
as his workes may well put men out of doubt, if they lyst to read them
through, who all his life long even to his old age, had to deale in affayres
of the common weale, as he him selfe witnesseth in divers places, specially
in the treatise which he intitled, Whether an olde man ought to meddle
with the government of a common weale or not: and who had the hap &
honor to be schoolemaster to the Emperour Trajan, as is commonly beleeved,
and as it expressely pretended by a certaine Epistle set before the Latin
<Plut1-xxvi>
TO THE READERS translation of his matters of state, which (to say the
truth) seemeth in my judgement to be somewhat suspicious, bicause I find
it not among his workes in Greeke, besides that it speaketh as though the
booke were dedicated to Trajan, which thinge is manifestly disporved by
the beginning of the booke, and by divers other reasons. Yet notwithstanding,
bicause me thinkes it is sagely and gravely written, and well beseeming
him: I have set it downe here in this place. "Plutarke unto Trajan sendeth
greeting. I know well that the modestie of your nature was not desirous
of Sovereintie, though you have always indevored to deserve it by your
honorable conversation: by reason whereof you have bene thought so much
the worthier of it, as you have bene founde the further of from all ambition.
And therefore do I now rejoice in your vertue & my fortune, if it be
so great as to cause you to administer that thing with justice, which you
have obtained by desert. For otherwise I am sure you put your selfe in
hazard of great daungers, and me in perill of slaunderous tongues, bicause
Rome can not away with a wicked Emperour, and the common voyce of the people
is alwaies wont to cast the faultes of the faultes of the schollers in
the teeth of their schoolemaisters: as for example: Seneca is railed upon
by slaunderous tonges, for the faultes of his scholler Nero: the scapes
of Quintillians young schollers are imputed to Ouintilian him selfe: and
Socrates is blamed for being too myld to his hearers. But as for you, there
is hope you shall doe all things well enough, so you keepe you as you are.
If you first set your selfe in order, and then dispose all other things
according to vertue, all things shall fall out according to your desire.
I have set you downe the meanes in writing, which you must observe for
the well governing of your common weale, and have shewed you of how great
force your behaviour may be in that behalfe. If you thinke good to follow
those thinges, you have Plutarke for the directer and guider of your life:
If not, I protest unto you by this Epistle, that your falling into daunger
to the overthrow of the Empire, is not by the doctrine of Plutarke" This
Epistle witnesseth plainly <Plut1-xxvii>
TO THE READERS that be was the schoolemaister of Trajan, which thing
seemeth to be avowed by this writing of Suidas: Plutarke being borne in
the citie of Charonea in Boeotia, was in the time of the Emperour Trajan,
and somehwat affore. But Trajan honored him with the dignitie of Coonsulship,
and commanded the officers & Magistrates that were throughout the contrie
of Illyria, that they should not do any thing without his counsell and
authoritie. So doth Suidas write of him. And I am of opinion, that Trajan
being so wise an Emperour, would never have done him so great honor, if
he had not thought him selfe greatly beholding to him for some speciall
cause. But the thing that maketh me most to beleve it true, is, that the
same goodnesse and justice appeared to be naturally imprinted in most of
Trajans sayings and doings, whereof the pattern and mowld (as a man might
terme it) is cast and set down in Plutarkes Moralls, so as men may perceive
expressely, that the one could well skill to performer rightly, that which
the other had taught wisely. For Dion mriteth, that among other honors
which the Senate of Rome gave by decree unto Trajan, they gave him the
title of the Good Emperour. And Eutropius reporteth that even unto his
time, when a new Emperour came to he received of the Senate, among the
cries of good hansell, and the wishes of good lucke that were made unto
him, one was: happier be thou than Augustus and better than Trajan. Howsoever
the case stoode, it is very certaine that Plutarke dedicated the collection
of his Apothegmes unto him. But when he had lived a long time at Rome,
and was come home agaiane to his owne house, he fell to writing this excellent
worke of Lives, which he calleth the Parallelon, as much as to say, as
a cupling or matching, bicause he matcheth a Grecian with a Romane, setting
down their lives ech after other, and comparing them together, as he found
likeness of nature, conditions, or adventures betwext them, and examining
what the one of them had better or worser, greater of lesser than the other:
which things he doth with so goodly and grave discourse every where, taken
out of the <Plut1-xxviii>
TO THE READERS hidden secrets of morall and naturall Philosophie, with
so sage precepts and frutefull instructions, with so effectuall commendation
of vertue, and detestation of vice, with so many goodly allegacions of
other authors, with so many fit comparisons, and with so many high inventions:
that the booke may better be called by the name of the Treasorie+ of all
rare and Perfect learning, than by any other name. Also it is sayd, that
Theodorus Gaza, a Grecian of singular learning, and a worthie of the auncient
Greece, being asked on a time by his familiar frendes (which saw him so
earnestly given to his studie, that he forgate all other things) what author
he bad leverest to choose, if he were at that poynt that he must needes
choose some one to holde him to alone, did aunswere that be would choose
Plutarke: bicause that if they were all put together, there was no one
both so profitable, and so pleasaunt to read, as he. Sosius Senecio to
whom he dedicateth his worke, was a Senator of Rome, as witnesseth Dion,
who writeth that the three persons whom Trajan most loved and honored,
were Sosius, Parma, and Celsus, insomuch that he caused images of them
to be set up. True it is that he wrote the lives of many other men, which
the spitefulnes of time hath bereft us of, among which he himselfe maketh
mention of the lives of Scipio Africanuss, and Metellus Numidicus. And
I have red a litle Epistle of a sonne of his, whose name is not expressed,
copied out of an olde copie in the Librarie of S. Marke in Venice, wherein
he writeth to a frende of his, a register of all the bookes that his father
made: and there among the cupples of lives, he setteth downe the lives
of Scipio and Epaminondas, and lastly the lives of Augustus Caesar, of
Tiberius, of Caligula, ,, of Claudieus, of Nero, of Galba, of Vitellius,
and of Otho. .ut having used all the diligence that I could in serching
the chiefe Libraries of Venice and Rome, I could never find them out. Onely
I drew out certain diversities of readinges, and many corrections by conferring
the old written copies with the Printed bookes: which have stoode me in
great stead to the under- <Plut1-xxix>
TO THE READERS standing of many hard places: and there are a great
number of them which I have restored by conjecture by the judgement and
helpe of such men of this age, as are of greatest knowledge in humane learning.
Yet for all this, there remaine some places unamended, howbeit very fewe,
bicause some lines were wanting in the originall copies, whereof (to my
seeming) it was better for me to witnesse the want by marking it with some
starre: than to gesse at it with all adventure, or to adde any thing to
it. Now finally, if I have overshot my selfe in any thing, as it is verie
easie to do in such a hard and long work, specially to a man of so small
abilitie as I am: I beseeche the Readers to vouchsafe for my discharge,
to admit the excuse which the Poet Horace giveth me, where he sayth: A
man may well be overseene In workes that long and tedious bene. Specially
sith that of so many good men, and men of skill as have heretofore set
hand to the translating of it, there was never yet any one found that went
through with it in any Ianguage, at leastwise that I have seene or heard
of: and that such as have enterprised to translate it, specially into Latin,
have evidently witnessed the hardnesse thereof, as they may easely perceive
which list to conferre their translations with mine. Neverthelesse if it
so fortune that men find not the speech of this translation so flowing,
as they have found some other of mine, that are abroad in mens hands: I
beseech the readers to consider, that the offlce of a fit transfer, consisteth
not onely in the faitffull expressing of his authors meaning but also in
a certaine resembling and shadowing out of the forme of his style and the
maner of his speaking: unlesse he will commit the errour of some painters,
who having taken upon them to draw a man lively, do paint him long where
he should be short, and grosse where he should be slender, and yet set
out the resemblance of his countenance naturally. For @ow harsh or rude
soever my speech be, yet am I sure <Plut1-xxx>
TO THE READERS that my translation will he much easier to my contriemen,
than the Greeke copie is, even to such as are best practised in the Greeke
tonge, by reason of Plutarkes peculiar maner of inditing which is rather
shpe, learned, and short, than plaine, polished, and easie. At the hardest,
although I have not compassed my matters so happily as ye coulde have wished
and desired: yet do I hope that your Lordships in reading it will hold
the parties good will excused, which hath taken such paines in doing of
it to profit you. And if my labor be so happie, as to content you: God
be praised for it, which hath given me the grace to finish it. <Plut1-xxxi>
The Life of Theseus+ LIKE AS historiographers describing the world
(frende Sossius Senecio) doe of purpose referre to the uttermost partes
of their mappes the farre distant regions whereof they be ignoraunt, with
this note: these contries are by meanes of sandes and drowthes unnavigable,
rude, full of venimous beastes, SCYTHIAN ise, and frosen seas. Even so
may I (which in comparinge noble mens lives have already gone so farre
into antiquities as the true and certaine historie could lead me) of the
rest, being thinges past all proofe or chalenge, Very well say: that beyonde
this time all is full of suspicion and dout, being delivered us by Poets
and Tragedy makers, sometimes without trueth and likelihoode, and alwayes
without certainty. Howbeit, having heretofore set foorth the lives of Lycurgus
(which established the lawes of the LACEDAEMONIANS) and of king Numa Pompilius:
me thought I might go a litle further to the life of <Plut1-1>
<Plut1-2> THESEVS Romulus, sence I was come so nere him. But considering
my selfe as the Poet Eschilus did: What champion may with such a man compare?
or who (thinke I) shalbe against him set? Who is so bold? or who is be
that dare defend his force, in such encounter met? In the end I resolved
to match him which did set up the noble and famous city of ATHENS, with
him which founded the glorious & invincible city of ROME. Wherein I
would wishe that the inventions of Poets, and the traditions of fabulous
antiquitie, would suffer them selves to be purged and reduced to the forme
of a true and historicall reporte: but when they square too much from likelyhode,
and can not be made credible, the readers will of curtesie take in good
parte that, which I could with most probability wryte of such antiquities.
Now surely me thinkes, that Theseus in many thinges was much like unto
Romulus. For being both begotten by stealth, and out of lawful matrimony:
both were reputed to be borne of the seede of the goddes. {Edmund+} Both
valiant were, as all the world doth know. Both joyned valiancy with government.
The one of them built ROME, and the other, by gathering into one dispersed
people, erected the citie of ATHENS: two of the most noble cities of the
worlde. The one and the other were ravishers of women: and neither thone
nor thother coulde avoyde the mischiefe of quarrell and contention with
their frendes, nor the reproch of staining them selves with the blood of
their nearest kinsemen. Moreover, they say that both the one and the other
in the end did get the hate and ill will of their citizens: at the least
if we will beleve that reporte of Theseus, which carieth greatest show
of trueth. Theseus of his fathers side,
THESEVS <Plut1-3> was descended of the right linage of Erictheus
the great, and of the first inhabitants which occupied the contrie of ATTICA,
the which since were called Autocthones, as much to say, as borne of them
selves. For there is no memories or other mention made, that they came
out of any other contry then that. And of his mothers side he came of Pelops,
who was in his time the mightiest king of all the contrie of PELOPONNESVS,
not so much for his goodes and richesse, as for the number of children
which he had. For his daughters which were many in number, he bestowed
on the greatest Lordes of all the contrie: his sonnes also, which likewise
were many, he dispersed into diverse cities and free townes, findinge meanes
to make them governors and heades of the same. Pitheus, grandfather to
Theseus on the mothers side, was one of his sonnes, and founded the litle
city of TROEZEN, and was reputed to be one of the wisest men of his time.
But the knowledge and wisedom, which onely caried estimacion at that time,
consisted altogether in grave sentences, and moral sayinges. As those are
which wanne the Poet Hesiodus such fame for his booke intituled, The workes
and dayes: in the which is read even at this present, this goodly sentence,
which they father upon Pitheus. Thou shalt performe, thy promise+ and thy
pay: to hyred men, and that without delay. And this doth Arislotle the
Philosopher himselfe testifie: and the Poet Euripides also, calling Hippolytus
the scholler of the holy Pitheus, doth sufficiently declare of what estimacion
he was. But Aegeus desiring (as they say) to know how he might have children,
went unto the city of DELPHES to the oracle of Apollo: where by Apolloes
Nunne that notable prophecy was geven him for an aunswer. The which did
forbid him to touch or know any woman, untill he was returned againe to
ATHENS. And
<Plut1-4> THESEVS bicause the words of this prophecy were somewhat
darke, & hard: he tooke his way by the city of TROFZEN, to tell it
unto Pitheus. The wordes of the prophecy were these. O thou which art agemme
of perfect grace, plucke not the tappe, out of thy trusty toonne: Before
thou do, return unto thy place, in Athens towne, from whence thy race doth
roonne. Pitheus understanding the meaning, perswaded him, or rather cunningly
by some devise deceived him in such sorte, that he made him to lye with
his daughter called AEthra. AEgeus after he had accompanied with her, knowing
that she was Pitheus daughter with whom he had lyen, and douting that he
had gotten her with child: left her a sword and a payer of shoes, the which
he hidde under a great hollow stone, the hollownes whereof served just
to receive those things which he layed under it, and made no living creature
privy to it but her alone, straightly charging her, that if she happened
to have a sonne, when he were come to mans state, and of strength to remove
the stone, and to take those things from under it which he left there:
{Excalibur+} that she should then sende him unto him by those tokens, as
secretly as she could, that no body els might knowe of it. For he did greatly
feare the children of one called Pallas, the which laye in wayte and spyast
by all the meanes they could to kill him, only of despight bicause he had
no children, they being fiftie brethren, and all begotten of one father.
This done, he departed from her. And AEthra within fewe moneths after was
delivered of a goodly sonne, the which from that time was called Theseus:
and as some say, so called, bicause of the tokens of knowledge his father
had layed under the stone. Yet some others write, that it was afterwardes
at ATHENS when his father knewe him, and avowed him for his sonne. But
in the meane time, during his infancie and childehood, he was brought up
in the
THESEVS <Plut1-5> house of his grandfather Pitheus, under the government
and teaching of one called Connidas, his schoolemaster: in honour of whom
the ATHENIANS to this daye doe sacrifice a weather, the daye before the
great feaste of Theseus having more reason to honour the memorye of this
governour, then of a Silanion and of a Parrbasius, to whom they doe honour
also, bicause they paynted and caste mowldes of the images of Theseus.
Now there was a custome at that time in GRECE, that the yong men after
their infancie and growth to mans state, went unto the cittie of DELPHES,
to offer parte of their heares in the temple of Apollo. Theseus also went
thither as other did: and some saye that the place where the ceremonie
of this offering was made, hath ever sence kept the olde name, (and yet
continueth) Theseia. Howbeit he dyd not shave his head but before only,
as Homer sayeth, like he facion of the ABANTES in olde time: and this manner
of shaving of heares, was called for his sake, Theseida. And as concerning
the ABANTES, in trothe they were the very first that shaved them selves
after this facion: nevertheles they learned it not of the ARABIANS as it
was thought of some, neither dyd they it after the imitation of the MISSIANS.
But bicause they were warlike and valliant men, which did joyne neere unto
their enemie in battell, and above all men of the worlde were skilfullest
in fight hande to hande, and woulde keepe their grounde: as the Poet Archilochus
witnesseth in these verses. They use no slynges in foughten fields to have,
nor bended bowes: but swords and trenchant blades. For when fierce Mars
beginneth for to rave, in bloody field: then every man invades His fiercest
foe, and fighteth hand to hand. then doe they deeds, right cruell to recompt.
For in this wise, the brave and warlike bande Doe shew their force which
come from Negrepont.
<Plut1-6> THESEVS The cause why they were thus shaven before was,
for that their enemies should not have the vauntage to take them by the
heares of the head while they were fighting. And for this selfe same consideration,
Alexander the great commaunded his captaines to cause all the MACEDONIANS
to shave their beards: bicause it is the easiest holde (and readiest for
the hande) a man can have of his enemie in fighting, to holde him fast
by the same. But to returne to Theseus. AEthra his mother had ever unto
that time kept it secret from him, who was his true father. And Pitheus
also had geven it out abroade, that he was begotten of Neptune, bicause
the TROEZENIANS have this god in great veneration, and doe worshippe him
as patron and protector of their cittie, making offerings to him of their
first fruites: and they have for the marke and stampe of their money, the
three picked mace, which is the signe of Neptune, called his Trident. But
after he was comen to the prime and lustines of his youth, and that with
the strength of his bodie be shewed a great courage, joyned with a naturall
wisedome, and stayednes of wit: then his mother brought him to the place
where this great hollowe stone laye, and telling him truely the order of
his birth, and by whom he was begotten, made him to take his fathers tokens
of knowledge, which he had hidden there, and gave him counsell to goe by
sea to ATHENS unto him. Theseus easilye lyft up the stone, and tooke his
fathers tokens from under it: Howbeit he answered playnely, that he would
not goe by sea, notwithstanding that it was a great deale the safer waye,
and that his mother and grandfather both had instantly entreated him, bicause
the waye by lande from TROEZEN to ATHENS was very daungerous, all the wayes
being besett by robbers & murderers. For the worlde at that time brought
forth men, which for strongnesse in their armes, for swyftnes of feete,
and for a generall strength of the whole bodye,
THESEVS <Plut1-7> dyd farre passe the common force of others, and
were never wearie for any labour or travell they tooke in hande. But for
all this, they never employed these giftes of nature to any honest or profitable
thing, but rather delighted villanously to hurte and wronge others: as
if all the fruite and profit of their extraordinary strength had consisted
in crueltye, and violence only, and to be able to keepe others under &
in subjection, and to force, destroye, & spoyle all that came to their
handes. Thincking that the more parte of those which thincke it a shame
to doe ill, and commend justice+, equitie, and humanitie, doe it of fainte
cowardly heartes, bicause they dare not wronge others, for feare they should
receyve wronge them selves: and therefore, that they which by might+ could
have vauntage over others, had nothing to doe with suche quiet qualities.
Nowe Hercules, travailling abroade in the worlde, drave awaye many of those
wicked thevishe murderers, and some of them he slewe and put to death,
other as he passed through those places where they kept, dyd bide them
selves for feare of him, and gave place: in so much as Hercules, perceyving
they were well tamed and brought lowe, made no further reckoning to pursue
them any more. But after that by fortune he had slayne Iphitus with his
owne handes, and that he was passed over the seas into the countrye of
LYDIA, 'where he served Queene Omphale a long time, condemning him selfe
unto that voluntarie payne for the murder he had committed. All the Realme
of LYDIA during his abode there, remained in great peace and securitie
from such kynde of people. Howbeit in GRECE, and all thereabouts, these
olde mischiefes beganne againe to renue, growing hotter and violenter then
before: bicause there was no man that punished them, nor that durst take
upon him to destroye them. By which occasion, the waye to goe from PELOPONNESVS
to ATHENS by lande was
<Plut1-8> THESEVS very perillous. And therefore Pitheus declaring
unto Theseus, what manner of theeves there were that laye in the waye,
and the outrages and villanies they dyd to all travellers and wayefaring
men, sought the rather to perswade him thereby to take his voyage alonge
the seas. Howbeit in mine opinion, the fame and glorie+ of Hercules noble
dedes, had long before secretly sett his hearte on fire, so that he made
reckoning of none other but of him, and lovingly hearkened unto those which
woulde seeme to describe him what manner of man he was, but chiefly unto
those which had seene him, and bene in his companye, when he had sayed
or done any thing worthy of memorye. For then he dyd manifestly open him
selfe, that he felt the like passion in his hearte, which Themistocles
long time afterwardes endured, when he sayed: that the victorie and triumphe
of Miltiades would not lett him sleepe. For even so, the wonderful admiration
which Theseus had of Hercules corage, made him in the night that he never
dreamed but of his noble actes & doings, and in the daye time, pricked
forwardes with emulation & envie of his glorie, he determined with
him selfe one daye to doe the like, and the rather, bicause they were neere
kynsemen, being cosins removed by the mothers side. For AEthra was the
daughter of Pitheus, and Alcmena (the mother of Hercules) was the daughter
of Lysidices, the which was halfe sister to Pitheus, bothe children of
Pelops and of his wife Hippodamia. So he thought he should be utterly shamed
and disgraced, that Hercules travelling through the worlde in that sorte,
dyd seeke out those wicked theeves to rydde both sea & lande of them:
& that he, farre otherwise, should flye occasion that might be offered
him, to fight with them that he should meete on his waye. Moreover, he
was of opinion he should greately shame & dishonour him, whom fame
and common bruite of people reported to be his father:
THESEVS <Plut1-9> if in shonning occasion to fight, he should convey
him selfe by sea, and should carie to his true father also a paire of shooes,
(to make him knowen of him) and a sworde not yet bathed in bloude. Where
he should rather seeke cause, by manifest token of his worthie deedes,
to make knowen to the worlde, of what noble bloude he came, and from whence
he was descended. With this determination, {Hal+} Theseus holdeth on his
purposed jorney, with intent to hurte no man, yet to defende him selfe,
and to be revenged of those which woulde take upon them to assault him.
The first therefore whom he slewe within the territories of the cittie
of EPIDAVRVM, was a robber called Periphetes. This robber used for his
ordinarie weapon to carie a clubbe, and for that cause he was commonly
surnamed Cognetes, that is to saye, a clubbe caryer. So he first strake
at Theseus to make him stande: but Theseus fought so lustely with him,
that he killed him. Whereof he was so glad, and chiefly for that he had
wonne his clubbe, that ever after he caryed it him selfe about with him,
as Hercules dyd the lyons skynne. And like as this spoyle of the lyon dyd
witnesse the greatnes of the beast which Hercules had slayne: even so Theseus
went all about, shewing that this clubbe which he had gotten out of anothers
hands, was in his owne handes invincible. And so going on further, in the
streightes of PELOPONNESVS he killed another, called Sinnis surnamed Pityocamtes,
that is to saye, a wreather, or bower of pyne apple trees: whom he put
to death in that selfe cruell manner that Sinnis had slayne many other
travellers before. Not that he had experience thereof, by any former practise
or exercise: but only to shewe, that cleane strength coulde doe more, then
either arte or exercise. This Sinnis had a goodly fayer daughter called
Perigouna, which fled awaye, when she sawe her father slayne: whom he followed
and sought all about. But she had hydden her selfe in a grove
<Plut1-10> THESEVS full of certen kyndes of wilde pricking rushes
called Stabe, and wilde sparage, which she simplye like a childe intreated
to hyde her, as if they bad heard and had sense to understand her: promising
them with an othe, that if they saved her from being founde, she would
never cutt them downe, nor burne them. But Theseus fynding her, called
her, and sware by his faith he would use her gently, and doe her no hurte,
nor displeasure at all. {grace+} Upon which promise she came out of the
bushe, and laye with him, by whom she was conceyved of a goodly boye, which
was called Menalippus. Aftetwardes Theseus maried her unto one Deioneus,
the sonne of Euritus the Oechalian. of this Menalippus, the sonne of Theseus,
came Ioxus: the which with Ornytus brought men into the countrye of CARIA,
where he buylt the cittie of IOXIDES. And hereof cometh that olde auncient
ceremonie, observed yet unto this daye by those of IOXIDES, never to burne
the bryars of wilde sparage, nor the stabe, but they have them in some
honour & reverence. Touching the wilde savage sowe of Crommyon, otherwise
surnamed Phaa, that is to saye, overgrowen with age: she was not a beast
to be made light account of, but was very fierce, and terrible to kyll.
Theseus notwithstanding taryed for her, and kylled her in his jorney, to
the ende it shoulde not appeare to the worlde, that all the valliant deedes
he dyd, were done by compulsion, & of necessitie: adding thereto his
opinion also, that a valliant man should not onely fight with men, to defend
him selfe from the wicked: but that he should be the first, to assaulte
and slaye wilde hurtefull beastes. Nevertheles others have written, that
this Phaa was a woman robber, a murderer, and naught of her bodye, which
spoyled those that passed by the place called CROMMYONIA, where she dwelt:
and that she was surnamed a sowe, for her beastly brutishe behaviour, and
wicked life, for the which in the ende she
THESEVS <Plut1-11> was also slayne by Theseus. After her he kylled
Sciron, into the territories of MEGARA, bicause he robbed all travelers
by the waye, as the common reporte goeth: or as others saye, for that of
a cruell, wicked, and savage pleasure, he put forth his feete to those
that passed by the sea side, and compelled them to washe them. And thenwhen
they thought to stowpe to doe it, he still spurned them with his feete,
till he thrust them hedlong into the sea: so Theseus threw him hedlong
downe the rockes. Howbeit the writers of MEGARA impugning this common reporte,
and desirous (as Simonides sayeth) to overthrowe it that had continued
by prescription of time: dyd mainteine that this Sciron was never any robber,
nor wicked persone, but rather a pursuer and punisher of the wicked, and
a friend and a kynseman of the most honest, and justest men of GRECE. For
there is no man but will confesses that AEacus was the most vertuous man
among the GRECIANS in his time, and that Cychreus the SALAMINIAN is honoured
and reverenced as a god at ATHENS: and there is no man also but knoweth,
that Peleus and Telamon were men of singular vertue. Nowe it is cetteine,
that this Sciron was the sonne in lawe of Cychreus, father in lawe of AEacus,
& grandfather of Peleus and of Telamon, the which two were the children
of Endeida, the daughter of the sayed Sciron, and of his wife Chariclo.
Also it is not very likely, that so many good men would have had affinitie
with so naughty and wicked a man: in taking of him, and geving him that,
which men love best of all things in the worlde. And therefore the Historiographers
saye, that it was not the first time, when Theseus went unto ATHENS, that
he killed Sciron: but that it was many dayes after, when he tooke the cittie
of ELEVSIN, which the MEGARIANS helde at that time, where he deceyved the
governour of the cittie called Diocles, and there he slewe Sciron. And
these be the
<Plut1-12> THESEVS objections the MEGARIANS alledged touching this
matter. He slewe also Cercyon the ARCADIAN, in the cittie of ELEVSIN, wrestling
with him. And going a litle further, he slewe Damastes, otherwise surnamed
Procrustes, in the cittie of HERMIONIA: and that by Stretching on him out,
to make him even with the length and measure of his beddes, as he was wont
to doe unto straungers that passed by. Theseus dyd that after the imitation
of Hercules, who punished tyrannes with the selfe same payne and torment,
which they had made others suffer. For even so dyd Hercules sacrifice Busiris.
So he stifled Antheus in wrestling. So he put Cycnus to death, fighting
with him man to man. So he brake Termerus heade, from whom this proverbe
of Termerus evill came, which continueth yet unto this daye: for this Termerus
dyd use to put them to death in this sorte whom he met: to jo jolle his
head against theirs. Thus proceeded Theseus after this selfe manner, punishing
the wicked in like sorte, justly compelling them tabyde the same payne
and torments, which they before had unjustly made others abyde. And so
he helde on his jorney untill he came to the river of CEPHISVS, where certaine
persones of the house of the Phytalides were the first which went to meete
him, to honour him, and at his request they purified him according to the
ceremonies used at that time: and afterwardes having made a sacrifice of
propitiation unto their goddes, they made him great chere in their houses:
and this was the first notable entertainment he founde in all his jorney.
It is supposed he arrived in the cittie of ATHENS, eight daye of the moneth
of June, which then they called Cronius. He founde the comon wealth turmoyled
with seditions, factions, and divisions, and perticularly the house of
AEgeus, in very ill termes also, bicause that Medea (being banished out
of the cittie of CORINTHE) was come to dwell in ATHENS, and remained with
AEge-
THESEVS <Plut1-13> ius, whom she had promised by vertue of certaine
medicines to make him to get children. But when she heard tell that Theseus
was comen, before that the good king AEgeus (who was nowe becomen olde,
suspitious, and affrayed of sedition, by reason of the great factions with
in the cittie at that time) knewe what he was, she perswaded him to poyson
him at a feaste which they woulde make him as a straunger that passed by.
Theseus failed not to goe to this prepared feaste whereunto he was bydden,
but yet thought it not good to disclose him selfe. And the rather to give
AEgeus occasion and meane to knowe him: when they brought the meate to
the borde, he drewe out his sworde, as though he woulde have cut with all,
and shewed it unto him. AEgeus seeing it, knewe it straight, & forthwith
overthrewe the cuppe with poyson which was prepared for him: and after
he had inquired of him, and asked thinges, he embraced him as his sonne.
Afterwardes in the common assembly of the inhabitants of the cittie, he
declared, howe he avowed him for his sonne. Then all the people receyved
him with exceeding joye, for the renowne of his valiantnes and manhoode.
And some saye, that when AEgeus overthrewe the cuppe, the poyson which
was in it, fell in that place, where there is at this present a certen
compasse inclosed all about within the temple, which is called Delphinium.
For even there in that place, in the olde time, stoode the house of AEgeus:
in witnes whereof, they call yet at this present time the image of Mercurye
(which is on the side of the temple looking towardes the rising of the
sunne) the Mercurye gate of AEgeus. But the PALLANTIDES, which before stoode
allwayes in hope to recover the realme of ATHENS, at the least after AEgeus
death, bicause he had no children: when the sawe that Theseus was knowen,
and openly declared for his sonne and heire, and suceessour to the Realme,
they were not able any
<Plut1-14> THESEVS lenger to beare it, seeing that not onely AEgeus
(who was but the adopted sonne of Pandion, and nothing at all of the bloude
royall of the Erictheides) had usurped the Kingdome over them, but that
Theseus also should enjoye it after his death. Whereupon they determined
to make warre with them both, and dividing them selves into two partes,
the one came openly in armes with their father, marching directly towardes
the citte: the other laye close in ambushe in the village GARGETTVS, meaning
to geve charge upon them in two places at one instant. Nowe they brought
with them an Heraulde borne in the towne of AGNVS, called Leos, who bewrayed
unto Theseus the secret and devise of all their enterprise. Theseus upon
this intelligence went forth, and dyd set on those that laye in ambushe,
and put them all to the sworde. The other which were in Pallas companie
understanding thereof, dyd breake and disparse them selves incontinendy.
And this is the cause (as some saye) why those of Pallena doe never make
affinitie nor mariadge with those of AGNVS at this daye. And that in their
towne when any proclamation is made, they never speake these wordes which
are cryed every where els through out the whole countrye of ATTICA, Acouete
Leos, (which is as muche to saye, as Hearken, O people) they doe so extreamely
hate this worde Leos, for that it was the Herauldes name which wrought
them that treason. This done, Theseus who woulde not live idelly at home
and doe nothing, but desirous there withall to gratifie the people, went
his waye to fight with the bull of Marathon, the which dyd great mischieves
to the inhabitants of the countrye of TETRAPOLIS. And having taken him
ahve, brought him through the citie of ATHENS to be scene of all the inhabitants.
Afterwardes he dyd sacrifice him unto Apollo Delphias. Nowe concerning
Hecale, who was reported to have lodged him, and to have geven him good
enter-
THESEVS <Plut1-15> teinment, it is not altogether untrue. For in
the olde time, those townes and villages thereaboutes dyd assemble together,
and made a common sacrifice which they called Hecalesion, in the honour
ofjupiter Hecalian, where they honoured this olde woman, calling her by
a diminutive name, Hecalena: bicause that when she receyved Theseus into
her house, being then but very younge, she made muche of him, and called
him by many prety made names as olde folkes are wont to call younge children.
And forasmuche as she had made a vowe to Jupiter to make him a solemne
sacrifice, if Theseus returned safe from the enterprise he went about,
and that she dyed before his returne: in recompence of the good chere she
had made him, she had that honour done unto her by Theseus commaundement,
as Philochorus hathe written of it. Shortely after this exployte, there
came certaine of King Minos ambassadours out of CRETA, to aske tribute,
being nowe the thirde time it was demaunded, which the ATHENIANS payed
for this cause. Androgeus, the eldest sonne of king Minos, was slayne by
treason within the countrye of ATTICA: for which cause Minos pursuing the
revenge of his death, made very whotte and Sharpe warres upon the ATHENIANS,
and dyd them greate hurte. But besides all this, the goddes dyd sharpely
punishe and scourge all the countrye, as well with barrennes and famine,
as also with plague+ and other mischieves, even to the drying up of their
rivers. The ATHENIANS perceyving these sore troubles and plagues, ranne
to the oracle of Apollo, who aunswered them that they shoulde appease Minos:
and when they had made their peace with him, that then the wrathe of the
goddes woulde cease against them, and their troubles should have an ende.
Whereupon the ATHENIANS sent immediately unto him, and entreated him for
peace: which he graunted them, with condition that they should be bounde
to
<Plut1-16> THESEVS sende him yerely into CRETA, seven younge boyes,
and as many younge gyrles. Nowe thus farre, all the historiographers doe
very well agree: but in the reste not. And they which seeme furdest of
from the trothe, doe declare, that when these yonge boyes were delivered
in CRETA, they caused them to be devowred by the Minotaure within the Laberinthe:
or els that they were shut within this Laberinthe, wandring up & downe,
& coulde finde no place to gett out, until suche time as they dyed,
even famished for hunger. And this Minotaure, as Euripides the Poet sayeth,
was A corps combynd, which monstrous might be deemd: A Boye, a Bull, both
man and beast it seemd. But Philochorus writeth, that the CRETANS doe not
confesse that, but saye that this Laberinthe was a stayle or prisone, in
the which they had no other hurte saving that they which were kept there
under locke and keye, coulde not flye nor starte awaye: and that Minos
had, in the memorye of his sonne Androgeus, instituted games and playes
of prise, where he gave unto them that wanne the victorie, those younge
children of ATHENS, the which in the meane time notwithstanding were carefully
kept and looked unto in the prisone of the Laberinthe: and that at the
first games that were kept, one of the Kings captaines called Taurus, who
was in best creditt with his master, wanne the prise. This Taurus was a
churlishe, and naughtie natured man of condition, and very harde and cruell
to these children of ATHENS. And to verifie the same, the philosopher Aristotle
him selfe, speaking of the common wealth of the BOTTIEIANS, declareth very
well, that he never thought that Minos dyd at any time cause the children
of ATHENS to be put to death: but sayeth, that they poorely toyled in CRETA
even to crooked age, earning their living by true and painefull service.
THESEVS <Plut1-17> For it is written, that the CRETANS (to satisfie
an olde vowe of theirs which they had made of auncient time) sent somtimes
the first borne of their children, unto Apollo in the cittie of DELPHES:
and that amongest them they also mingled those, which were descended of
the auncient prisoners of ATHENS & they went with them. But bicause
they coulde not live there, they directed their jorney first into ITALIE,
where for a time they remained in the realme of PVGLIA, and afterwardes
from thence went into the confines of THRACIA, where they had this name
of BOTTIEIANS. In memory whereof, the daughters of the BOTTIEIANS in a
solemne sacrifice they make, doe use to singe the foote of this songe:
Lett us to ATHENS goe. But thereby we maye see howe perilous a thing it
is, to fall in displeasure and enmitie with a cittie, which can speake
well, and where learning and eloquence dothe florishe. {posterity+} For
ever sence that time, Minos was all- wayes blased and disgraced through
out all the Theaters of ATHENS. The testimonie of Hesiodus, who calleth
him the most worthie King, dothe nothing helpe him at all, nor the prayse
of Homer, who nameth him Jupiters famillier friende: bicause the tragical
Poets gott the upper hande in disgracing him, notwithstanding all these.
And upon their stages where all the tragedies were played, they still gave
forth many ill favored wordes, and fowle speaches of him: as against a
man that had bene most cruell and unnaturall. Yet most men thincke, that
Minos was the King which established the lawes: and Radamanthus the judge
and preserver of them, who caused the same also to be kept and observed.
The time nowe ben comen about for payment of the thirde tribute, when they
came to compell the fathers which had children not yet maried, to geve
them to be put forth to take their chaunce and lotte: {lottery+} the citizens
of ATHENS beganne to murmure against AEgeus, alledging for their grieves,
that
<Plut1-18> THESEVS he who onely was the cause of all this evill,
was onely alone exempted from this griefe. And that to bring the Government
of the Realme, to fall into the handes of a straunger his bastard: he cared
not though they were bereft of all their naturall children, and were unnaturally
compelled to leave and forsake them. These just sorrowes and complaintes
of the fathers whose children were taken from them, dyd pearce the harte
of Theseus, who willing to yelde to reason, and to ronne the selfe same
fortune as the cittizens dyd: willingly offered him selfe to be sent thither,
without regarde taking to his happe or adventure. {grace+} For which, the
cittizens greatly esteemed of his corage and honorable disposition, and
dearely loved him for the good affection, he seemed to beare unto the comunaltye.
But AEgeus having used many reasons and perswasions, to cause him to turne,
& staye from his purpose, and perceyving in the ende there was no remedye
but he woulde goe: he then drue lottes for the children which should goe
with him. Hellanicus notwithstanding dothe write, that they were not those
of the cittie which drewe lottes for the children they should sende, but
that Minos him selfe went thither in persone and dyd chuse them, as he
chose Theseus the first, upon conditions agreed betwene them: that is to
wit, that the ATHENIANS shoulde furnishe them with a shippe, and that the
children should shippe and imbarke with him, carying no weapons of warre:
and that after the death of the Minotaure, this tribute should cease. Nowe
before that time, there was never any hope of returne, nor of safetie of
their children: therefore the ATHENIANS allwayes sent a shippe to convey
their children with a blacke sayle, in token of assured losse. Nevertheles
Theseus putting his father in good hope of him, being of a good corage,
and promising boldly that he woulde sett upon this Minotaure: AEgeus gave
unto the master of the shippe
THESEVS <Plut1-19> a white sayle, {Tristram+} commaunding him that
at his returne he should put out the white sayle if his sonne had escaped,
if not, that then he should sett up the blacke sayle, to shewe him a farre
of his unlucky & unfortunate chaunce. Simonides notwithaanding doeth
saye, that this sayle which AEgeus gave to the master, was not white, but
redde, dyed in graine, and of the culler of scarlett: and that he gave
it him to signifie a farre of, their deliverie and safety. This master
was called Phereclus Amarsiadas, as Simonides sayeth. But Philochorus writeth,
that Scirus the SALAMINIAN gave to Theseus a master called Nausitheus,
and another marriner to tackle the sayles, who was called Phaas: bicause
the ATHENIANS at that time were not greatly practised to the sea. And this
did Scirus, for that one of the children on whom the lott fell was his
nephewe: & thus muche the chappells doe testifie, which Theseus buylt
afterwardes in honour of Nausitheus, and of Phaas, in the village of Phalerus,
joyning to the temple of Scirus. And it is sayed moreover, that the feaste
which they call Cybernesia, that is to saye, the feaste of Patrons of the
shippes, is celebrated in honour of them. Nowe after the lotts were drawen,
Theseus taking with him the children allotted for the tribute, went from
the pallace to the temple called Delphinion, to offer up to Apollo for
him and for them, an offering of supplication which they call Hiceteria:
which was an olyve boughe hallowed, wreathed about with white wolle. After
he had made his prayer, he went downe to the sea side to imbarke, the sixt
daye of the moneth of Marche: on which daye at this present time they doe
sende their younge girles to the same temple of Delphinion, there to make
their prayers and petitions to the goddes. But some saye, that the oracle
of Apollo in the cittie of DELPHES had aunswered him, that he should take
Venus for his guyde, and that he should call upon her to conduct him in
his voyage: for
<Plut1-20> THESEVS which cause he dyd sacrifice a stoate unto her
upon the sea side, which was founde sodainly turned into a ramme, and that
herefore they surnamed this goddesse Epitragia, as one would saye, the
goddesse of the ramme. Furthermore, after he was arrived in CRETA, he slewe
there the Minotaure (as the most parte of auncient authors doe write) by
the meanes and helpe of Ariadne: who being fallen in fansie with him, dyd
geve him a clue of threede, by the helpe whereof she taught him how he
might easely winde out of the turnings and cranckes of the Labyrinthe.
And they saye, that having killed this Minotaure, he returned backe againe
the same waye he went, bringing with him those other younge children of
ATHENS, whom with Ariadne also he caried afterwardes awaye. Pherecides
sayeth moreover, that he brake the keeles or bottomes of all the shippes
of CRETA, because they should not sodainely sett out after them. And Demon
writeth, that Taurus (the captaine of Minos) was killed in a fight by Theseus,
even in the very haven mowthe as they were readye to shippe awaye, and
hoyse up sayle. Yet Philochorus reporteth, that king Minos having sett
up the games, as he was wont to doe yerely in the honour and memorye of
his sonne, every one beganne to envye captaine Taurus, bicause they ever
looked that he should carye awaye the game and victorie, as he had done
other yeres before: over and that, his authoritye got him much ill will
and envye, bicause he was proude and stately, and had in suspition that
he was great with queene Pasiphae. {favorite+} Wherefore when Theseus required
he might encounter with Taurus, Minos easely graunted it. And being a Solemne
custome in CRETA that the women shoulde be present, to see these open sportes
and fights, Ariadne being at these games amongest the rest, fell further
in love with Theseus, seeing him so goodly a persone, so stronge, and invincible
in wrestling, that he farre exceeded all
THESEVS <Plut1-21> that wrestled there that daye. King Minos was
so glad that he had taken awaye the honour from captaine Taurus, that he
sent him home francke & free into his countrye, rendring to him all
the other prisoners of ATHENS: and for his sake, clearely released and
forgave the cittie of ATHENS the tribute, which they should have payed
him yerely. Howbeit Clidemus searching out the beginning of these things
to thutmost, reciteth them very particularly, and after another sorte.
For he sayeth, about that time there was a generall restraint through out
all GRECE, restrayning all manner of people to beare sayle in any vessell
or bottome, wherein there were above five persones except only Jason, who
was chosen captaine of the great shippe Argus, and had commission to sayle
every where, to chase and drive awaye rovers and pyrates, and to scoure
the seas through out. About this time, Daedalus being fled from CRETA to
ATHFNS in a litle barke: Minos contrarie to this restraint, woulde needes
followe him with a fleete of divers vessels with owers who being by force
of weather driven to the coaste of SICILE, fortuned to dye there. Afterwardes
his sonne Deucalion, being marveilously offended with the ATHENIANS, sent
to summone them to deliver Daedalus unto him, or els he woulde put the
children to death, which were delivered to his father for hostages. But
Theseus excused him selfe, and sayed he coulde not forsake Daedalus, considering
he was his neere kynseman, being germaine, for he was the sonne of Merope,
the daughter of Erichtheus. Howbeit by and by he caused nany vessels secretly
to be made, parte of them within ATTICA selfe in the village of Thymetades,
farre from any highe wayes: and parte of them in the cittie of TROEZEN,
by the sufferance of Pitheus his grandfather, to the ende his Purpose shoulde
be kept the secretlyer. Afterwardes when all his shippes were readye, and
rygged out, he
<Plut1-22> THESEVS tooke sea before the CRETANS had any knowledge
of it: in so much as when they sawe them a farre of, they dyd take them
for the barkes of their friends. Theseus landed without resistaunce, and
tooke the haven. Then having Daedalus, and other banished CRETANS for guydes,
he entred the cittie selfe of GNOSVS, where he slewe Deucalion in a fight
before the gates of the Labyrinthe, with all his garde and officers about
him. By this meanes the kingdome of CRETA fell by inheritance into the
handes of his sister Ariadne. Theseus made league with her, and caryed
away the yong children of ATHENS, which were kept as hostages, and concluded
peace and amytie betweene the ATHENIANS and the CRETANS: who promised,
and sware, they would never make warres against them. They reporte many
other things also touching this matter, & specially of Ariadne: but
there is no trothe nor certeintie in it. For some saye, that Ariadne honge
her selfe for sorowe, when she sawe that Theseus had caste her of. Other
write, that she was transported by mariners into the Ile of NAXOS, where
she was maryed unto OEnarus, the priest of Bacchus: and they thincke that
Theseus lefte her, bicause he was in love with another, as by these verses
shoulde appeare. AEgles the Nymphe, was loved of Theseus, which was the
daughter of Panopeus. Hereas the Megarian sayeth, that these two verses
in olde time were among the verses of the Poet Hesiodus, howbeit Pisistratus
tooke them awaye: as he dyd in like manner adde these other here in the
description of the helles in Homer, to gratifie the ATHENIANS. Bolde Theseus,
and Pirithous flowte, descended both, from godds immortall race, Triumphing
still, this wearie worlde aboute in fears of armes, and many a comly grace.
THESEVS <Plut1-23> Other holde opinion, that Ariadne had two children
by Theseus: the one of them was named Oenopion, and the other Staphylus.
Thus amongest others the Poet Ion writeth it, who was borne in the Ile
of CHIO, and speaking of his cittie, he sayeth thus: OEnopion which was
the sonne, of worthy Theseus did cause men buylde, this stately towne which
nowe triumpheth thus. Nowe what things are founde seemely in Poets fables,
there is none but dothe in manner synge them. But one Paenon borne in the
cittie of AMATHVNTA, reciteth this cleane after another sorte, and contrarie
to all other: saying, that Theseus by tempest was driven with the Ile of
CYPRVS, having with him Ariadne, which was great with childe, and so sore
sea sycke, that she was not able to abide it. In so muche as he was forced
to put her a lande, and him selfe afterwards returning abourde hoping to
save his shippe against the storme, was forthwith compelled to loose into
the sea. The women of the countrye dyd curteously receyve & intreate
Ariadne: and to comforte her again, (for she was marveilously oute of harte,
to see she was thus forsaken) they counterfeated letters, as if Theseus
had wrytten them to her. And when her groninge time was come, and she to
be layed, they did their best by all possible meanes to save her: but she
dyed notwithstanding in labour, and could never be delivered. So she was
honorably buried by the Ladies of CYPRVS. Theseus not long after returned
thither againe, who tooke her death marvelous heavily, and left money with
the inhabitantes of the countrie, to sacrifice unto her yearely: and for
memorie of her, he caused two litle images to be molten, the one of copper,
and the other of silver, which he dedicated unto her. This sacrifice is
done
<Plut1-24> THESEVS the seconde day of September, on which they doe
yet observe this ceremonie: they doe lay a young childe upon a bed, which
pitiefully cryeth and lamenteth, as women travellinge with childe. They
saye also, that the AMATHVSIANS doe yet call the grove where her tombe
is sette up, the wodde of Venus Adriadne. And yet there are of the NAXIANS,
that reporte this otherwise: saying, there were two Minoes, and two Adriadnees,
whereof the one was maried to Bacchus in the Ile of NAXOS, of whome Staphylus
was borne: and the other the youngest, was ravished and caried away by
Theseus, who afterwardes forsooke her, and she came into the Ile of NAXOS
with her nurce, called Corcyna, whose grave they doe shewe yet to this
day. This seconde Adriadne dyed there also, but she had no such honour
done to her after her death, as to the first was geven. For they celebrate
the feaste of the first with all joye & mirthe: where the sacrifices
done in memorie of the seconde, be mingled with mourninge and sorowe. Theseus
then departing from the Ile of CRETA, arrived in the Ile of DELOS, where
he did sacrifice in the temple of Apollo, and gave there a litle image
of Venus, the which he had gotten of Adriadne. Then with the other young
boyes that he had delivered, he daunced a kinde of daunce, which the DELIANS
keepe to this day, as they say: in which there are many turnes and returnes,
much after the turninges of the Labyrinthe. And the DELIANS call this manner
of daunce, the crane, as Dicaearcus sayeth. And Theseus daunced it first
about the altar, which is called Ceraton, that is to saye, hornestaffe:
bicause it is made and builded of hornes onely, all on the left hande well
& curiously sette together without any other bindinge. It is sayed
also that he made a game in this Ile of DELOS, in which at the first was
geven to him that overcame, a braunche of palme for reward of victorie.
But when they drewe neere the coast of ATTICA, they were
THESEVS <Plut1-25> so joyfull, he and his mafter, that they forgate
to set up their white sayle, by which they shoulde have geven knowledge
of their healthe and safetie unto AEgeus. Who seeinge the blacke sayle
a farre of, being out of all hope evermore to see his sonne againe, tooke
such a griefe at his harte, that he threw him selfe headlong from the top
of a clyffe, and killed him selfe. So soone as Theseus was arrived at the
Porte named Phalerus, he performed the sacrifices which he had vowed to
the goddes at his departure: and sent an Herauld of his before unto the
city, to carie newes of his safe arrivall. The Heraulde founde many of
the citie mourning the death of king AEgeus. Many other received him with
great joy, as may be supposed. They would have crowned him also with a
garlande of flowers, for that he had brought so good tidinges, that the
children of the citie were returned in safetie. The Heraulde was content
to take the garlande, yet would he not in any wise put it on his head,
but did winde it about fLs Hehislds rodde he bare in his hande, and so
returneth foorthwith to the sea, where Theseus made his sacrifices. Who
perceivinge they were not yet done, did refuse to enter into the temple,
and stayed without for troubling of the sacrifices. Afterwardes all ceremonies
finished, he went in and tolde him the newes of his fathers death. Then
he and his company mourning for sorowe, hasted with speede towardes the
citie. And this is the cause, why to this day, at the feast called Oscophoria
(as who woulde say at the feast of boughes) the Herauld hath not his heade
but his rod onely crowned with flowers, and why the assistantes also after
the sacrifice done, doe make suche cryes and exclamations: Ele, leuf, iou,
iou: whereof the first is the crye and voyce they commonly use one to an
other to make haste, or else it is the foote of some songe of triumphe:
and the other is the crye and voyce of men as it were in feare and trouble.
After he
<Plut1-26> THESEVS had ended the obsequies and funeralls for his
father, he performed also his sacrifices unto Apollo, which he had vowed
the seventh day of the moneth of October, on which they arrived at their
returne into the citie of ATHENS. Even so the custome which they use at
this day, to seeth all manner of pulse, commeth of this: that those which
then returned with Theseus, did seeth in a great brasse potte all the remaine
of their provision, and therewith made good chere together. Even in such
sorte as this, came up the custome to carie a braunch of olyve, wreathed
about with wolle, which they call Iresione: bicause at that time they caried
boughes of supplication, as we have told ye before. About which they hang
all sortes of fruites: for then barrennesse did cease, as the verses they
sang afterwards did witnesse. Bring him good bread, that is of savry tast,
with pleasaunt figges, and droppes of dulcet mell, Then sowple oyle, his
body for to bast, and pure good wine, to make him sleepe full well. Howbeit
there are some which will say, that these verses were made for the Heraclides,
that is to say, those descended from Hercules: which flying for their safety
and succour unto the ATHENIANS, were entered and much made of by them for
a time. But the most parte holde opinion, they were made upon the occasion
aforesaid. The vessell in which Theseus went and was a galliot of thirtie
owers, which the ATHENIANS kept untill the time of Demetrius the Phalerian,
alwayes taking away the olde peeces of wodde that were rotten, and ever
renewing them with new in their places. So that ever since, in the disputations
of the Philosophers touching things that increase, to wit, whether they
e alwayes one, or else they be made others: this galliot was alwayes brought
in for an example of doubt.
THESEVS <Plut1-27> For some maintained, that it was still one vessell:
others to the contrarie defended it was not so. And they holde opinion
also, that the feast of boughes which is celebrated at ATHENS at this time,
was then first of all instituted by Theseus. It is sayed moreover, that
he did not carye all the wenches upon whome the lotts did fall, but chose
two fayer young boyes, whose faces were swete and delicate as maydens be,
that otherwise were hardie, and quicke sprighted. But he made them so oft
bathe them selves in whotte bathes, and kepe them in from the heate of
the sunne, and so many times to washe, anointe, and rubbe them selves with
oyles which ferve to supple and smoothe their skinnes, to keepe freshe
and fayer their colour, to make yellowe and bright their heares: and withall
did teache them so to counterfeate their speache, countenaunce and facion
of young maydes, that they seemed to be like them, rather then young boyes.
For there was no manner of difference to be perceived outwardly, and he
mingled them with the girles, without the knowledge of any man. Afterwards
when he was returned, he made a procession, in which both he and the other
young boyes, were apparelled then as they be nowe, which carie boughes
on the day of the feast in their handes. They carie them in the honor of
Bacchus and Ariadne, following the fable that is tolde of them: or rather
bicause they returned home just, at the time and season, when they gather
the fruite of those trees. There ate women which they call Deipnophores,
that is to say, caryers, which are assistantes to the sacrifice done mothers
of those, upon whom the lottes did fall, bicause they in like sorte brought
them meate and drinke. There they tell tales for so did their mothers tattle
to their children, to comforte and encorage them. All these particularities
were written by Demon the historiographer. There was moreover a place
<Plut1-28> THESEVS chosen out to build him a temple in, and he him
selfe ordained, that those houses which had payed tribute before unto the
king of CRETA, should nowe yearely thenceforth become contributories towardes
the charges of a solemne sacrifice, which shoulde be done in the honor
of him: and he did assigne the order and administration of the same, unto
the house of the Phytalides, in recompence of the curtesie which they showed
him when he arrived. Furthermore, after the death of his father AEgeus,
he undertooke a marvelous great enterprise. For he brought all the inhabitantes
of the whole province of ATTICA, to be within the citie of ATHENS, and
made them all one corporation, which were before dispersed into diverse
villages, and by reason thereof were very hard to be assembled together,
when occasion was offered to establish any order concerning the common
state. Many times also they were at variance together, and by the eares,
making warres one upon an other. But Theseus tooke the paines to goe from
village to village, and from family, to familie, to let them understand
the reasons why they should consent unto it. So he found the poore people
and private men, ready to obey and followe his will but the riche, and
such as had authoritye in every village, all against it. Nevertheles he
wanne them, promising that it should be a common wealth, and not subject
to the power of any sole prince, but rather a populer state. {democracy+}
In which he woulde only reserve to him selfe the charge of the warres,
and the preservation of the lawes: for the rest, he was content that every
citizen in all and for all should beare a like swaye and authoritye. So
there were some that willingly graunted thereto. Other who had no likin
thereof, yielded notwithstanding for feare of his displeasureand power
which then was very great. So they thought it better to consent with good
will, unto that he required: then to tary his forcible compulsion.
THESEVS <Plut1-29> Then he caused all the places where justice was
ministred, and all their halles of assembly to be overthrowen and pulled
downe. He removed straight all judges and officers, and built a towne house,
and a counsaill hall, in the place where the cittie now standeth, which
the ATHENIANS CALL ASTY, but he called the whole corporation of them ATHENS.
Afterwardes he instituted the greate feast and common sacrifice for all
of the countrye of ATTICA, which they call Panathenaea. Then he ordeined
another feaste also upon the sixtenth daye of the moneth of June, for all
strangers which should come to dwell in ATHENS, which was called Metaecia,
and is kept even to this daye. That done, he gave over his regall power
according to his promise, and beganne to sett up an estate or policye of
a common wealth, beginning first with the service of the goddes. To knowe
the good successe of his enterptise, he sent at the very beginning to the
oracle of Apollo in DELPHES, to enquire of the fortune of this cittye:
from whence this aunswer was brought unto him. O thou which arte, the sonne
of
AEgeus, begott by him, on Pitheus daughter deare. The mightie Jove, my
father glorious, by his decree, hath sayed there shall appeare, a fatall
ende, of every cittie here. Which ende he will, shall also come adowne,
Within the walles, of this thy stately towne. Therefore shewe thou, a valliant
constant+ minde, and let no care, nor carke thy harte displease. For like
unto a bladder blowen with winde thou shalt be tost, upon the surging seas.
Yet lett no dynte, of dolours thee disease. For why? thou shalt, nor perishe
nor decaye, nor be orecome, nor yet be cast awaye. {posterity+}
<Plut1-30> THESEVS It is founde written also that Sibylla afterwardes
gave out suche a like oracle over the cittye of ATTHENS. The bladder blowen
maye flete upon the fludde, but cannot synke, nor sticke in filthie mudde.
Moreover, bicause he woulde further yet augment his people, and enlarge
his cittie, he entised many to come and dwell there, by offering them the
selfe same freedome and andf priviledges which the naturall borne citizens
had. So that many judge, that these w@ordes which are in use at this daye
in ATHENS, when any open proclamation is made, All people, Come ye hither:
be the selfe same which Theseus then caused to be proclaymed, when he in
that sorte dyd gather a people together of all nations. Yet for all that
he suffered not the great multitude that came thither tagge and ragge,
to be without distinction of degrees & orders. {democracy+} For he
first divided the noble men, from hushandman and artificers, appointing
the noblemen as judges and magistrates to judge upon matters of Religion,
& touching the service of the godds: and of them also he dyd chuse
rulers, to beare civill office in the common weale, to determine the lawe,
and to tell all holy and divine things. By this meanes he made the noble
men & the two other estates equall in voyce. {3_estates+} And as the
noblemen dyd passe the other in honour: even so the artificers exceeded
them in number, & the hushandmen them in profit. Nowe that Theseus
was the first who of all others yelded to have a common weale or popuier
estate (as Aristotle sayeth) and dyd geve over his regaull power: Homer
self semeth to testifie it, in numbring the shippes which were in the Grecians
armie before the cittie of TROIA. For amongest all the GRECIANS, he only
calleth the ATHIFNIANS people. Moreover Theseus coyned money, which he
marked with the stampe of an oxe, in memorye of the bulle of Marathon,
or of Taurus the
THESEVS <Plut1-31> captaine of Minos, or els to provoke his citizens
to geve them selves to labour. They saye also that of this money they were
since called Hecatombaeon, and Docabaeon, which signifieth worth a hundred
oxen, and worth tenne oxen. Furthermore having joyned all the territorie
of the cittie of MEGARA, unto the countrie of ATTICA, he caused that notable
foure square piret to be sett up for their confines within the straight
of PELOPONNESVS, and engraved thereuppon this superscription, that declareth
the separation of both the countries which confine there together. The
superscription is this. Where Titan doth beginne, bis beames for to displaye
even that waye stands Ionia, in fertile wise allwaye And where againe he
goeth, a downe to take his rest, there stands Peloponnesus lande, for there
I compt it west. It was he also which made the games called Isthmia, after
the imitation of Hercules, to the ende that as the GRECIANS dyd celebrate
the feast of games called Olympia, in the honour of Jupiter, by Hercules
ordinance: so, that they should also celebrate the games called Isthmia,
by his order and institution, in the honout of Neptune. For those that
were done in the straights in the honour of Melicerus, were done in the
night, and had rather forme of sacrifice or of a mysterie, then of games
and open feast. Yet some will saye, that these games of Isthmia were instituted
in the honout and memorie of Sciron, and that Theseus ordained them in
satisfaction of his death: bicause he was his cosin germaine, being the
sonne of Canethus, and of Heniocha the daughter of Pitheus. Other saye
that it was Sinnis and not Sciron, and that for him Theseus made these
games, and not for the memorie of the other. Howsoever it was, he specially
willed the CORINTHIANS, that they should geve unto those that came from
ATHENS to see their games of Isthmia, so much place to sit downe
<Plut1-32> THESEVS before them (in the most honorable parte of the
feast place) as the saile of their shippe should cover, in the which they
came from ATHENS: thus doe Hellanicus and Andron Halicarnasseus write herof.
Touching the voyage he made by the sea Major, Philochorus, and some other
holde opinion, that he went thither with Hercules against the AMAZONES:
and that to honour his valiantnes, Hercules gave him ANTIOPA the AMAZONE.
But the more parte of the other Historiographers, namely Hellanicus, Pherecides,
and Herodotus, doe write, that Theseus went thither alone, after Hercules
voyage, and that he tooke this AMAZONE prisoner, which is likeliest to
be true. For we doe not finde that any other who went this jorney with
him, had taken any AMAZONE prisoner besides him selfe. Bion also the Historiographer,
this notwithstanding sayeth, that he brought her away by deceit and stealth.
For the AMAZONES (sayeth he) naturally loving men, dyd not flie at all
when they sawe them lande in their countrye, but sent them presents, and
that Theseus entised her to come into his shippe, who brought him a present:
and so sone as she was aborde, he hoysed his sayle, and so carried her
away. Another Historiographer Menecrates, who wrote the storie of thc cittie
of NICEA, in the countrye of BYTHINIA, sayeth: that Theseus having this
AMAZONE ANTIOPA with him, remained a certaine time upon those coasts,&
that amongest other he had in his companie three younger brethern of ATHENS,
Euneus, Thoas, and Solois. This last, Solois, was marveilously in love
with ANTIOPA, and never bewrayed it to any of his other companions, saving
unto one with whom he was most familiar, & whom he trusted best: so
that he reported this matter unto ANTIOPA. But she utterly rejected his
sute, though otherwise she handled it wisely and curteously, and dyd not
complaine to Theseus of him. Howbeit the younge man despairing to enjoye
his love, tooke it so inwardly,
THESEVS <Plut1-33> that desperately he lept into the river, and
drowned him selfe. Which when Theseus understoode, and the cause also that
brought him to this desperation and ende: he was very sorye, and angrie
also. Whereupon he remembred a certeine oracle of Pythia, by whom he was
commaunded to buyld a cittie in that place in a straunge countrye, where
he should be most sorye, and that he should leave some that were about
him at that time, to governe the same. For this cause therefore he built
a cittie in that place, which he named PYTHOPOLIS, bicause he bad built
it only by the commaundement of the Nunne Pythia. He called the river in
the which the younge man was drowned, Solois, in memorye of him: and left
his two brethern for his deputies and as governours of this newe cittie,
with another gentlemanof ATHENS, called Hermus. Here of it commeth, that
at this daye the PYTHOPOLITANS call, a certen place of their cittie, Hermus
house. But they fayle in the accent, by putting it upon the last syllable:
for in pronouncing it so, Hermu signffieth Mercurie. By this meanes they
doe transferre the honour due to the memorie of Hermus, unto the god Mercurie.
{posterity+} Now heare what was the occasion of the warres of the AMAZONES,
which me thinckes was not a matter of small moment, nor an enterprise of
a woman. For they had not placed their campe within the very cittie of
ATHENS, nor had not fought in the very place it selfe (called Pnyce) adjoyning
to the temple of the Muses, if they had not first conquered or subdued
all the countrye thereabouts: neither had they all comen at the first,
so valiantly to assalle the cittie of ATHIENS. Now, whether they came by
lande from so farre a countrye, or that they passed over an arme of the
sea, which is called Bosphorus Cimmericus, being frosen as Hellanicus sayeth:
it is hardely to be credited. But that they camped, within the precinct
of the very cittie it selfe, the names of the places which continewe
<Plut1-34> THESEVS yet to this present daye doe witnesse it, and
the graves also of the women which dyed there. But so it is, that hoth
armies laye a great time one in the face of the other, ere they came to
battell. Howbeit at the length Theseus having first made sacrifice unto
Feare the goddesse, according to the counsaill of a prophecie he had receyved,
he gave them battell in the moneth of August, on the same daye in the which
the ATHENIANS doe even at this present solemnise the feast, which they
call Boedromia. But Clidemus the Historiographer, desirous particularly
to write all the circumstances of this encownter, sayeth that the left
poynte of their battell bent towards the place which they call AMAZONION:
and that the right poynte marched by the side of CHRYSA, even to the place
which is called PNYCE, upon which, the ATHENIANS comming towards the temple
of the Muses, dyd first geve their charge. And for proofe that this is
true, the graves of the women which dyed in this first encounter, are founde
yet in the great streete, which goeth towards the gate Piraica, neere unto
the chappell of the litle god Chalcodus. And the ATHENIANS (Sayeth he)
were in this place repulsed by the AMAZONES even to the place where the
images of Eumenides are, that is to saye, of the furies. But on thother
side also, the ATHENIANS comming towards the quarters of Palladium, Ardettus,
and Lucium, drave backe their right poynte even to within their campe,
and slewe a great number of them. Afterwards, at the ende of foure moneths,
peace was taken betwene them by meanes of one of the women called Hyppolita.
For this Historiographer calleth the AMAZONE which Theseus maried, Hyppolita,
and not Antiopa. Nevertheles, some saye that she was slayne (fighting on
Theseus side) with a darte, by another called Molpadia. In memorie whereof,
the piller which is joyning to the temple of the Olympian ground, was set
up in her honour. We are not to
THESEVS <Plut1-35> marvell, if the historie of things so auncient,
be found so diversely written. For there are also that write, that Queene
Antiopa sent those secretly which were hurt then into the cittie of CALCIDE,
where some of them recovered, and were healed: and others also dyed, which
were buried neere to the place called AMAZONION. Howsoever it was, it is
most certain that this warre was ended by agreement. For a place adjoyning
to the temple of Theseus, dothe beare recorde of it, being called Orcomosium:
bicause the peace was there by solemne othe concluded. And the sacrifice
also dothe truely verifie it, which they have made to the AMAZONES, before
the feast o Theseus, long time out of minde. They of MEGARA also doe shewe
a tumbe of the AMAZONES in their cittie, which is as they goe from the
market place, to the place they call Rhus: where they finde an auncient
tumbe, cut in facion and forme of a losenge. They saye that there died
other of the AMAZONES also, neere unto the cittie of CHAERONEA, which were
buried all alongest the litle broke passing by the same, which in the olde
time (in mine opinion) was called Thermodon, and is nowe name Haemon, as
we have in other places written in the life Demosthenes. And it semeth
also, that they dyd not pass through THESSALIE, without fighting: for there
are seen yet of their tumbes all about the cittie of SCORVSA, hard by the
rocks, which be called the doggs head. And this is that which is worthy
memorie (in mine opinion) touching the warres of these AMAZONES. Howe the
Poet telleth that the AMAZONES made warres with Theseus to revenge the
injurie he dyd to their Queene Antiopa, refusing her, to marye with Phaedra:
and as for the murder which he telleth that Heracles dyd, that me thinckes
is altogether but devise of Poets. It is very true, that after the death
of Antiopa, Theseus maried Phaedra, having had before of Antiopa a sonne
called Hippolytus, or as the
<Plut1-36> THESEVS Poet Pindarus writeth, Demothon. And for that
the Historiographers doe not in any thing speake against the tragicall
Poets, in that which concerneth the ill happe persones of this his wife
and of his sonne: we must needs take it to be so, as we finde it written
in the tragedies. And yet we finde many other reportes touching the mariages
of Theseus, whose beginnings had no great good honest ground, neither fell
out their endes very fortunate: and yet for all that they have made no
tragedies of them, neither have they bene played in the Theaters. For we
reade that he tooke away Anaxo the TROEZENIAN, and that after he had killed
Sinnis and Cercyon, he tooke their daughters perforce: and that he dyd
also marye Peribaea, the mother of Ajax, & afterwards Pherebaea, and
Joppa the daughter of Iphicles. And they blame him much also, for that
he so lightly forsooke his wife Ariadne, for the love of AEgles the daughter
of Panopaeus, as we have recited before. Lastely, he tooke awaye Hellen:
which ravishement filled all the Realme of ATTICA with warres, and finally
was the very occasion that forced him to forsake his countrye, & brought
him at the length to his ende, as we will tell you hereafter. Albeit in
his time other princes of GRECE had done many goodly and notable exploits
in the warres, yet Herodotus is of opinion, that Theseus was never in any
one of them: saving that he was at the battell of the Lapithae, against
the Centauri. Others saye to the contrarie that he was at the jorney of
Cholchide with Jason, and that he dyd helpe Meleager to kill the wilde
bore of Calydonia: from whence (as they saye) this proverbe came: Not Without
Theseus. Meaning that suche a thing was not done without great helpe of
another. Howbeit it is certaine that Theseus self dyd many famous actes,
without ayde of any man, and that for his valiantnes this proverbe came
in use, which is spoken: This is another Theseus. Also he dyd helpe Adras-
THESEVS <Plut1-37> tus king of the ARGIVES, to recover the bodyes
of those that were slayne in the battel, before the cittie of THEBES. Howbeit
it was not, as the poet Euripides sayeth, by force of armes, after he had
overcome the THEBANS in battel: but it was by composition. And thus the
greatest number of the most auncient writers doe declare it. Furthermore,
Philochorus writeth, that this was the first treatie that ever was made
to recover the dead bodyes slayne in battel: nevertheles we doe reade in
the histories and gestes of Hercules, that he was the first that ever suffered
his enemies to carye awaye their dead bodyes, after they had bene put to
the sword. But whosoever he was, at this daye in the village of ELEVTHERES,
they doe showe the place where the people were buried, & where princes
tumbes are seene about the cittie of ELEVSIN, which he made at the request
of Adrastus. And for testimonie hereof, thetragedie, AEschilus made of
the ELEVSINIANS, where he causeth it to be spoken even thus to Theseus
him self, dothe clerely overthrowe the petitioners in Euripides. Touching
the friendshippe+ betwixt Pirithous and him, it is sayed it beganne thus.
The renowne of his valliancy was marvelously blowen abroade through all
GRECE, & Pirithous desirous to knowe it by experience, went even of
purpose to invade his countrye, and brought awaye a certaine bootie of
oxen of his taken out of the countrye of MARATHON. Theseus being advertised
therof, armed straight, and went to the rescue. Pirithous heearing of his
comming, fled not at all, but returned backe sodainbly to mete him. And
so sone as they came to see one another, they both wondred at eche others
beawtie and corage, and so had they no desire to fight. But Pirithous reaching
out his hande first to Theseus, sayed unto him. I make your selfe judge
of the damage you have susteined by my invasion, and with all my harte
I will make such satisfaction, as it shall please you to assesse it at.
Theseus then
<Plut1-38> THESEVS dyd not only release him, of all the damages
he had done, but also requested him he would become his friend, and brother
in armes. Hereupon they were presently sworne brethren in the fielde: after
which othe betwixt them, Pirithous maried Deidamia, and sent to praye Theseus
to come to his mariage, to visite his countrye, and to make merye with
the Lapiths. He had bidden also the Centauri to the feast: who being druncke,
committed many lewde partes, even to the forcing of women. Howbeit the
Lapithae chasticed them so well, that they slewe some of them presently
in the place, and drave the rest afterwards out of all the countrye by
the helpe of Theseus, who armed him selfe, and fought on their side. Yet
Herodotus writeth the matter somewhat contrarie, saying that Theseus went
not at all untill the warre was well begonne: and that it was the first
time that he sawe Hercules, and spake with him neere unto the cittie of
TRACHINA, when he was then quiet, having ended all his farre voyages, and
greatest troubles. They reporte that this meeting together was full of
great cheere, much kindness and honorable entertainement betwene them,
and howe great curtesie+ was offred to eache other. Nevertheles me thincke
we should geve better credit to those writers that saye they mett many
times together, and that Hercules was accepted and receyved into the brotherhed
of the mysteries of ELEVSIN, by the meanes of the countenaunce & favour
which Theseus showed unto him: and that his purification also was thereby
allowed of, who was to be purged of necessitie of all his ill deedes &
cruelties, before he could enter into the companie of those holy mysteries.
Furthermore, Theseus was fiftie yeres olde when he tooke awaye Hellen and
ravished her, which was very younge, and not of age to be maried, as Hellanicus
sayeth. By reason whereof, some seeking to hyde the ravishement of her
as a haynous facte, doe reporte it was not he, but one Idas
THESEVS <Plut1-39> and Lynceus that caryed her awaye, who left her
in his custodie and keeping: and that Theseus would have kept her from
them, and would not have delivered her to her brethern Castor and Pollux,
which afterwardes dyd demaunde her againe of him. Others againe saye it
was her owne father Tyndarus, who gave her him to keepe, for that he was
affraye of Enarsphorus the sonne of Hippocoon, who would have had her away
by force. But that which commeth nearest to the trothe in this case, and
which in deede by many authors is testified, was in this sorte. Theseus
and Pirithous went together to the cittie of LACEDAEMON, where they tooke
awaye Hellen (being yet very younge) even as she was dauncing in the temple
of Diana surnamed Orthia: and they fled for life. They of LACEDAEMON sent
after her, but those that followed went no further then the cittie of TEGEA.
Now when they were escaped out of the countrye of PELOPONNESVS, they agreed
to drawe lots together, which of them two should have her, with condition
that whose lot it were to have her, he should take her to his wife, and
should be bound also to helpe his companion to get him another. It was
Theseus happe to light upon her, who caryed her to the cittie of APHIDNES,
bicause she was yet to younge to be maried. Whether he caused his mother
to come to bring her up, and gave his friend called Aphidnus the charge
of them both, recommending her to his good care, and to kepe it so secretly,
that no bodye should know what was become of her. Bicause he would doe
the like for Pirithous (according to th'agrement made betwext them) he
went into EPIRVS with him to steale the daughter of Aidoneus, king of the
MOLOSSIANS, who had surnamed his wife Proserpina, his daughter Proserpina,
and his dogg Cerberus: with whom he made them fight, which came to aske
his daughter in maruiage, promising to geve her to him that should overcome
his Cer-
<Plut1-40> THESEVS berm. But the King understanding that Pirithous
was come, not to request his daughter in mariage, but to steale her away,
he tooke him prisoner with Theseus: & as for Pirithous, he caused him
presently to be torne in peces with his dogge, and shut Theseus up in close
prison. In this meane time there was one at ATHENS called Menestheus, the
sonne of Peteus: which Peteus was the sonne of Orneus, and Orneus was the
sonne of Erictheus. This Menectheus was the first that beganne to flatter+
the people, and did seeke to winne the favour of the communalde, by sweete
entising words: by which devise he stirred up the chiefest of the cittie
against Theseus (who in deede long before beganne to be wearie of him)
by declaring unto them howe Theseus had taken from them their royalties
and signiories, and had shut them up in suche sorte within the wastes of
a cittie, that he might the better keepe them in subjection and obedience
in all things, after his will. The poore inferiour sorte of people, he
did stirre up also to rebellion, persuading them that it was no other then
a dreame of libertie which was promised them: and howe contrariwise they
were clearely dispossest and throwen out of their own houses, of their
temples, and from their naturall places where they were borne, to thend
only, that in liewe of many good and loving lordes which they were wont
to have before, they should now be compelled to serve one onely hedde,
and a straunge lorde. Even as Menestheus was very hotte about this practise,
the warre of the Tyndarides fell out at that instant, which greatly furthered
his pretence. For these Tyndarides (to wit children of Tyndarus) {genl_reader+}
Castor & Pollux, came downe with a great armie, against the cittie
of ATHENS: and some suspect sore that Menestheus was cause of their comming
thither. Howbeit at the first entrie they dyd no hurte at all in the countrye,
but only demaunded restitution of their sister. To whom the citizens made
aunswer, that
THESEVS <Plut1-41> they knewe not where she was left: and then the
brethern beganne to make spoyle, and offer warre in deede. Howbeit there
was one called Academus, who having knowledge (I can not tell by what meane)
that she was secretly hidden in the cittie of ATHENS, revealed it unto
them. By reason whereof the Tyndarides did alwayes honour him very much,
so long as he lived, and afterwards the LACEDAEMONIANS, having ofte burnt
& destroyed the whole countrye of ATTICA throughout, they would yet
never touch the Academy of ATHENS for Academus sake. Yet Dicearchus sayeth,
that in the armie of the Tyndarides there were two Arcadians, Echedemus,
and Marathon, and howe of the name of one of them, it was then called the
place of Echedemie, which sithence hath bene called Academia: and after
the name of the other, there was a village called MARATHON, bicause he
willingly offered him self to be sacrificed before the battell, as obeying
the order and commandement of a prophecies. So they went and pitched their
campe before the cittie of APHIDNES, and having wonne the battel, and taken
the cittie by assault, they raced the place. They saye that Alycus, the
sonne of Sciron was slaine at this field, who was in the hoaste of the
Tyndarides, and that after his name, a certaine quarter of the territorie
of MEGARA was called Alycus, in the which his bodye was huried. Howbeit
Hereas writeth that Theseus self dyd kill him before Aphidnes: In witness
whereof he alledgeth certain verses which speake of Alycus. While as he
sought with alibis might and mayne (in thy defence, fayer Hellen for to
fight) In Aphidnes, upon the pleasaunt playne, bold Theseus to cruell deathe
him dight. Howbeit it is not likely to be true, that Theseus being there,
the cittie of Aphidnes, and his mother also were
<Plut1-42> THESEVS taken. But when it was wonne, they of ATHENS
beganne to quake for feare, and Menistheus counselled them to receyve the
Tyndarides into the cittie, and to make them good chere, so they would
make no warres but upon Theseus, which was the first that had done them
the wrong and injurie: and that to all other els they should showe favour
and good will. And so it fell out. For when the Tyndarides had all in their
power to doe as they listed, they demaunded nothing els but that they might
be received into their corporation, and not to be reckoned for straungers,
no more then Hercules was: the which was graunted the Tyndarides, &
Aphidnus dyd adopt them for his children as Pylius had adopted Hercules.
Moreover they dyd honour them as if they had bene godds, calling them Anaces.
Either bicause they ceased the warres, or for thatb they oredered themselves
so well, that their whole armie being lodged in the cittie, there was not
any hurt done to any persone: but as it became those th at have the charge
of any thing, they did carefully watche to preserve the good quiet thereof.
All which this Greke word Anacos doth signifie, wherof perchaunce it comes
that they call the Kings Anactes. There are others also who holde opinion
that they were called Anaces, bicause of their starres which appeared in
the ayer. For the Attican tongue sayeth, Anacas, & Anecathen: where
the comon people saye Ano, and Anothen, that is to saye, above. Nevertheles
AEthra, Theseus mother, was caried prisoner to LACEDAEMON, and from thence
to TROIA with Hellen, as some saye: and as Homer him self doth witnesse
in his verses, where he speaketh of the women that followed Hellen. AEthra
the daughter deare of Pitheus aged Syre, and with her fayer Clymene she,
whose eyes most men desire. Yet there are other who as-well reject these
two verses,
THESEVS <Plut1-43> and mainteine the are not Homers: as also they
reprove all that is reported of Munychus. To wit, that Laodice being prively
conceived of him by Demophon, he was brought up secretly by AEthra within
TROIA. But Hifter the historien in his thirtenth of his histories of ATTICA,
maketh a recitall farre contrary to other, saying: that some hold opinion,
that Paris Alexander was slayne in battel by Achilles, and Patroclus in
the countrye of THESSALIE, neere to the river of Sperchius, and that his
brother Hector tooke the cittie of TROEZEN, from whence he brought away
Aethra: in which there is no manner of apparance or likelihodde. But Adoneus
king of the MOLOSSIANS, feasting Hercules one daye as he passed through
his realme, descended by chaunce into talke of Theseus and of Pirithous,
howe they came to steale away his daughter secretly: and after told how
they were also punished. Hercules was marvellous sorye to underaand that
one of them was now dead, and the other in daunger to dye, and thought
with him self that to make his mone to Adoneus, it would not helpe the
matter: he besought him only that he would deliver Theseus for his sake.
And he graunted him. Thus Theseus being delivered of this captivitie, returned
to ATHENS where his friends were not altogether kept under by his enemies:
& at his returne he dyd dedicate to Hercules all the temples, which
the cittie had before caused to be built in his owne honour. And where
first of all they were called Thesea, he did now surname them all Herculea,
excepting foure, as Philochorus writeth. Nowe when he was arrived at ATHFNS,
he would immediately have commaunded and ordered things as he was wont
to doe: but he found him self troubled much with sedition, bicause those
who had hated him of long time, had added also to their old canckered hate,
a disdain and contempt to feare him any more. And the comon people now
were become so stubborn, that where before they
<Plut1-44> THESEVS would have done all that they were commanded,
& have spoken nothing to the contrarie: now they looked to be borne
with, and flattered. Whereupon Theseus thought at the first to have used
force, but he was forced by the faction and contention of his enemies to
let all alone, and in the end, despairing he should ever bring his matters
to passe to his desire, he secretly sent away his children into the Ile
of EVBOEA, to Elphenor the sonne of Chalcoctus. And him self, after he
had made many wishes and curses against the Athenians, in the village of
Gargettus, in a place which for that cause to this daye is called Araterion:
(that is to saye, the place of cursings) he did take the seas, and went
into the Ile of SCIROS, where he had goods, and thought also to have founde
friends. Lycomedes raigned at that time, and was king of the Ile, unto
whom Theseus made request for some lande, as intending to dwell there:
albeit some saye that he required him to give him ayde against the Athenians.
Lycomedes, were it that he douted to entertaine so great a personage, or
that he dyd it to gratifie Menestheus: caried him up to the high rocks,
faining as though he would from thence have shewed him all his countrye
round about. But when he had him there, he threw him downe hedlong from
the toppe of the rocks to the bottome, and put him thus unfortunately to
death. Yet other write, that he fell down of him self by an unfortunate
chaunce, walking one daye after supper as he was wont to doe. There was
no man that time that dyd followe or pursue his death, but Menestheus quietly
remained king of ATHENS: and the children of Theseus, as private souldiers
followed Elphenor in the warres of TROIA. But after the death of Menesdtheus,
who died in the jomey to TROIA, Theseus sonnes returned unto ATHENS, where
they recovered their state. Sithence there were many occasions which moved
the Athenians to reverence and honour him as a demy god.
THESEVS <Plut1-45> For in the battel of Marathon, many thought they
saw his shadow and image in armes, fighting against the barbarous people.
And after the warres of the Medes (the yere wherein Phaadon was governour
of ATHENS) the nunne Pithia answered the Athenians, who had sent to the
oracle of Apollo: that they should bring backe the bones of Theseus, and
putting them in some honorable place, they should preserve and honour them
devoutely. But it was a harde matter to finde his grave: and if they had
founde it, yet had it bene a harder thing to have brought his bones awaye,
for the malice of those barbarous people which inhabited that Ile: which
were so wild and fierce, that none could trade or live with them. Not-withstanding
Cimon having taken the Iland (as we have written in his life) and seeking
his grave: perceived by good happe an ea e pecking with her beake, and
scragging with her clawes in a place of some prety height. Straight it
came into his minde (as by divine inspiration) to searche and digge the
place: where was founde the tumbe of a great bodye, with the head of a
speare which was of brasse, and a sword with st. All which things were
brought to ATHENS by Cimon in the admirall gallie. The Athenians received
them with great joye, with processions & goodly sacrifices, as if Theseus
him self had bene a live, and had returned into the cittie againe. At this
daye all these relicks lye yet in the middest of the circle, neere to the
place where the younge men doe use all their exercises of bodye. There
is free libertie of accesse for all slaves and poore men, (that are afflicted
and pursued, by any mightier then themselves) to pray and sacrifice in
remembraunce of Theseus: who while he lived was protectour of the oppressed,
and dyd curteously receive their requests and petitions that prayed to
have ayde of him. The greatest and most solemne sacrifice they doe unto
him, is on the eight daye of October, in which he return-
<Plut1-46> THESEVS ed from CRETA, with the other younge children
of ATHENS. Howbeit they doe not leave to honour him every eight daye of
all other moneths, either bicause he arrived from TROEZEN at ATHENS the
eight daye of June, as Diodorus the Cosmographer writeth: or for that they
thought that number to the meetest for him, bicause the bruite ranne he
was begotten of Neptune. {posterity+} They doe sacrifice also to Neptune,
the eight daye of every moneth, bicause the number of eight is the first
cube made of even number, and the double of the first square: which dothe
represent a stedfastnes immoveable, properly attributed to the might of
Neptune, whom for this cause we surname Asibalius, and Gaiochus, which
by interpretation dothe signifie: the safe keeper, & the stayer of
the earthe. The ende of Theseus life.
The Life of Romulus+ THE historiographers doe, not agree in their writings,
by whom, nor for what cause, the great name of the cittie of ROME (the
glorie wherof is blowen abroad through all the worlde) was first geven
unto it. For some thincke that the Pelasgians, after they had overcome
the greatest parte of the world, and had inhabited and subdued many nations,
in the ende dyd staye them selves in that place where it was newe buylded:
and for their great strength and power in armes, they gave the name of
ROME unto the cittie, as signifying power in the Greeke tongue. Other saye,
that after the taking and destruction of TROYA, there were certaine TROYANS
which saving them selves from the sworde, tooke suche vessells as they
founde at adventure in the haven, and were by winds put with the THVSCANE
shore, where they anckred neere unto the river of Tyber. There their wives
being so sore sea sicke, that possibly they could not any <Plit1-47>
<Plut1-48> ROMVLVS more endure the boisterous surges of the seas:
it happened one of them among the rest (the noblest and wisest of the companie)
called ROMA, to counsaill the other women of her companions to set their
shippes a fire, which they dyd accordingly. Wherewith their husbands at
the first were marvelously offended. But afterwards, being compelled of
necessitie to plant them selves neere unto the cittie of PALLANTIVM, they
were appeased when they sawe things prosper better then they hoped for,
finding the soyle there fertile, and the people their neighhours civill
and gentle in entertaining them. Wherefore amongest other honours they
dyd to requite this lady. Roma, they called their cittie after her name,
as from whom came the originall cause of the building & foundation
thereof. They saye that from thence came this custome continuing yet to
this daye at ROME, that the women saluting their kinsefolkes and husbands
doe kisse them in the mouthe, for so dyd these TROYAN ladyes to please
their husbands, and to winne them againe, after they had lost their favours,
and procured their displeasures with burning of their shippes. Other saye
that Roma was the daughter of Italus, and of Lucaria, or els of Telephus
the sonne of Hercules, and of the wife of AEneas: other saye of Ascanius,
the sonne of AEneas, who named the cittie after her name. Other holde opinion
that it was Romanus (the sonne of Ulysses and of Circe) that first founded
ROME: other will saye that it was Romus the sonne of Emathion, whom Diomedes
sent thither from TROYA. Other write that it was one Romis a tyranne of
the LATINES, who drave the THVSCANS out of those partes: which departing
out of THESSALY went first of all into LYDIA, and afterwards from LYDIA
into ITALIE. And furthermore, they who thincke that Romulus (as in deede
it carieth best likelyhod) was he that gave the name to the cittie, doe
not agree about his auncesters. For some
ROMVLVS <Plut1-49> of them write, that he was the sonne of AEneas
& of Dexithea the daughter of Phorbus, and that he was brought into
ITALIE of a litle childe with his brother Remus: and that at that time
the river of Tyber being overflowen, all other shippes were cast awaye,
saving the shippe in which the two litle boyes were, which by great good
happe came to a staye upon a very plaine even grounde on the bancke, and
bicause the children beyond all hope were saved by this meanes, therefore
the place was afterwardes called ROMA. Other saye that Roma the daughter
of the first Trojan ladye was maried unto Latinus the sonne of Telemachus,
by whom she had Romulus. Other write, that it was AEmilia, the daughter
of AEneas and of Lavinia, which was gotten with childe by the god Mars.
Other tell a tale of Romulus birth, nothing true nor likely. For it is
sayed that there was sometime a king of ALBA named Tarchetius, a very wicked
and cruell man in whose house through the permission of the goddes appeared
such a like vision: that there rose up in the harthe of his chymney the
forme and facion of a mans privie member, which continued there many dayes.
And they saye, that at that time there was in THVSCANE an oracle of Thetis,
from whom they brought unto this wicked king Tarchetius suche an aunswer:
that he should cause his daughter yet unmaried to have carnall companie
with the straunge thing, for she should beare a sonne, that should be famous
for his valliancie, for strength of bodye, and his happie successe wherein
he should exceede all men of his time. Tarchetius tolde this oracle unto
one of his daughters, and willed her to entertaine this straunge thing:
but she disdaining to doe it, sent one of her waiting women to undertake
the entertainement. But Tarchetius was so mad at this, that he caused them
both to be taken to put them to death: howbeit the goddesse Vega appeared
to him in his sleepe in the night, & charged him he should not doe
it. Where-
<Plut1-50> ROMVLVS upon he dyd commaund them to make him a pece
of clothe in the prisone, with promise that they should be maried when
they had finished it. These poore maydes toyled at it all the live longe
daye, but in the night there came other (by Tarchetims commaundement) that
dyd undoe all they had done the daye before. {Penelope+} In the meane time,
this waiting woman that was gott with childe by this straunge thing, was
delivered of two goodly boyes or twynnes: whom Tarchetius gave unto one
Teratius, with expresse commaundement he should cast them awaye. This Teratius
caryed them unto the bancke of the river: thither came a shee woulfe and
gave them sucke, and certaine byrdes that brought litle crommes and put
them in their mouthes, untill a swyneheard perceyving them, and wondring
at the sight, dyd boldly goe to the children, and tooke them awaye with
him. These infantes being thus preserved after they were come to mans state,
dyd set upon Tarchetius and slewe him. One Promathion an Italian writer,
delivereth this storie thus. But the reporte that carieth best credit of
all, and is allowed of by many writers: commeth from Diocles Peparethian,
(whome Fabius Pictor followeth in many thinges) who was the first that
put forth this storie among the GRECIANS, and specially the chiefest poynts
of it. Though this matter be somewhat diversely taken, yet in effect the
storie is thus. The right line and bloude of the kings of ALBA descended
from, AEneas, by succession from the father to the sonne, and the Kingdome
fell in the ende betweene two brethern, Numitor and Amulius. They agreed
by lotte to make division betweene them, whereof the one to have the Kingdome,
and the other all the golde, sylver, readye money, goodes, and juells brought
from TROIA. Numitor by his lot chose the Realme for his portion: Amulius
having all the golde and treasure in his handes, did find him selfe thereby
the stronger, and so dyd easely take his
ROMVLVS <Plut1-51> Realme from him. And fearing least his brothers
daughter might have children which one day might thrust him out againe,
he made her a Nunne of the goddesse Vesta, there to passe her dayes in
virginitie, and never to be maried: (some call her Rhea, other Sylvia,
and other Ilia) nevertheles not longe after she was founde with childe,
against the rule and profession of the Vestall Nunnes. So nothing had saved
her from present death, but the petition of Antho the daughter of king
Amulius, who intreated her father for her life: yet notwithstanding she
was straightly locked up, that no body could see her, nor speake with her,
least she should be brought a bedde without Amulius knowledge. In the ende
she was delivered of two fayre boyes and marvellous great twynnes: which
made Amulius more affrayed then before. So he commaunded one of his men
to take the two children, & to throwe them awaye, and destroye them.
Some saye that this servants name was Faustulus: other thincke it was he
that brought them up. But whosoever he was, he that had the charge to throwe
them awaye, put them in a troughe, and went towards the river with intention
to throwe them in. Howbeit he found it risen so highe, and running so swiftely,
that he durst not come neere the waters side, & so they being in the
troughe, he layed them on the bancke. {Moses+} In the meane time the river
swelling still, & over-flowing the bancke, in such sorte that it came
under the troughe: dyd gently lifte up the troughe, and caried it unto
a great playne, called at this present Cermanum, and in the olde time Germanum
(as I take it) bicause the Romaines called the brothers of father and mother,
Germani. Nowe there was neere unto this place a wilde figge tree which
they called Ruminalis, of the name of Romulus as the most parte thought:
or els bicause the beasts feeding there were wont to come under the same
in the ex-treame heate of the daye, and there dyd Ruminare, that
<Plut1-52> ROMVLVS is, chewe their cudde in the shadowe: or perhappes
bicause that the two children dyd sucke the teate of the woulfe, which
the auncient LATINES call RVMA, & they at this day doe yet call the
goddesse on whom they crye out to geve their children sucke, RVMILIA. And
in their sacrifices to her they use no wine, but offer up milke and water
mingled with honye. To these two children lying there in this sorte, they
write, there came a she woulfe and gave them sucke: and a hitwaw also which
dyd helpe to norishe and keepe them. These two beastes are thought to be
consecrated to the god Mars, and the LATINES doe singularly honour and
reverence the hitwaw. This dyd much helpe to geve credit to the wordes
of the mother, who affirmed she was conceyved of those two children, by
the god Mars. Howbeit some thincke she was deceyved in her opinion: for
Amulius that had her maidenhead, went to her all armed, & perforce
dyd ravishe her. Other holde opinion that the name of the nurce which gave
the two children sucke with her breastes, gave occasion to common reporte
to erre much in this tale, by reason of the double signification thereof.
For the LATINES doe call with one selfe name shee woulfes Lupas, and women
that geve their bodyes to all commers: as this nurce the wife of Faustulus
(that brought these children home to her house) dyd use to doe. By her
right name she was called Acca Laurentia, unto whom the ROMAINES doe sacrifice
yet unto this daye: and the priest of Mars doth offer unto her, in the
moneth of Aprill, the sheading of wine and milke accustomed at burialls,
and the feast it selfe is called Larentia. It is true that they honour
also another Larentia, for like occasion. The clercke or sexten of Hercules
temple,not knowing one daye howe to drive awaye the time as it should seeme:
of a certaine livelines and boldness dyd desire the god Hercules to playe
at dyce with him, with condition that if he dyd winne, Hercules
ROMVLVS <Plut1-53> should be bounde to send him some good fortune:
and if it were his lucke to lose, then he promised Hercules he would provide
him a very good supper, and would besides bring him a fayer gentlewoman
to lye with all. The conditions of the playe thus rehearsed, the sexten
first cast the dyce for Hercules, and afterwards for him selfe. It fell
out that Hercules wanne, and the sexten meaning good fayth, and thincking
it very mete to performe the bargaine that him selfe had made, prepared
a good supper, and hyered this Laurentia the courtesan, which was very
fayer, but as yet of no great fame to come to it. Thus having feasted her
within the temple, & prepared a bedde readye there, after supper he
locked her into the temple, as if Hercules should have comen in dede and
layen with her. And it is said for trothe, that Hercules came thither:
and commaunded her in the morning she should goe into the market place,
and salute the first man she met, and kepe him ever for her friend. Which
thing she performed, and the first man she met was called Tarrutius, a
man of great yeres, and one that had gathered together marvellous wealth
and riches. He had no children at all, neither was he ever maried. He fell
acquainted with this Laurentia, and loved her so dearely, that shortely
after chauncing to dye, he made her heire of all he had: whereof she disposed
afterwards by her last will & testament, the best & greatest parte
unto the people of Rome. Moreover it is reported also, that she now being
growen to be famous and of great honour (as thought to be the lemman of
a god) dyd vanishe away sodainely in the self same place, where the first
Laurentia was butied. The place at this day is called Velabrum: bicause
the river being overflowen, they were oftentimes compelled to passe by
bote to goe to the market place, and they called this manner of ferrying
over, Velatura. Other saye, that those tomblers and common players, which
shewed sundrye
<Plut1-54> ROMVLVS games and pastimes to winne the favour of the
people, were wont to cover that passage over with canvas clothes and veyles,
by which they goe from the market place to the lystes or shewe place where
they ronne their horses, beginning their race even at the place: &
they call a veyle in their tongue, Velum. This is the cause why the seconde
Laurentia is honored at Rome. Faustulus, chief neateheard to Amulius, tooke
up the two children and no bodye knewe it, as some saye: or as other reporte,
(and likest to be true) with the privitie and knowledge of Numitor, Amulius
brother, who secretly furnished them with money that brought up the two
young children. It is sayed also they were both conveyed unto the cittie
of the GABIANS, where they were brought up at schole, and taught all other
honest things, which they use to teache the sonnes and children of good
and noble men. Further they saye they were named Remus and Romulus, bicause
they were founde sucking on the teates of a woulfe. Nowe the beawtie of
their bodyes dyd presently shewe, beholding onely but their stature and
manner of their countenaunces, of what nature & linadge they were:
and as they grewe in yeres, their manly corage increased marvelously, so
as they became stowte and hardy men, in so much as they were never troubled
or astonied at any daunger that was offered them. Howbeit it appeared plainely
that Romulus had more wit and understanding then his brother Remus. For
in all things wherein they were to deale with their neighbours, either
concerning hunting, or the boundes and limites of their pastures: it was
easely discerned in him, that he was borne to commaund, and not to obeye.
For this cause they were both exceedingly beloved of their companions,
and of those which were their inferiours. {friend+} As for the kings heardmen,
they passed not muche for them, saying that they were even like them selves,
and so seemed not to care a Pynne for their anger
ROMVLVS <Plut1-55> or displeasure, but wholy gave them selves to
all gentlemanly exercises {games+} and trades, thincking to live idely
and at ease without travell, was neither comly nor convenient: but to exercise
and harden their bodyes with hunting, running, pursuing murderers and theeves,
and to helpe those which were oppressed with wronge and violence, should
be credit and commendation to them. By reason whereof, in very shorte time
they grewe to great fame and renowne. And it fell out by chaunce there
rose some stryfe and variance betwene the heardmen of Amulius, and the
heardmen of Numitor: in so muche as those that were Numitors, caryed awaye
by force some cattell of the others. Thother side would not beare that,
but pursued fast after, and beating them well favoredly, they made them
take their legges, and brought backe againe the greatest parte of the cattell
they had caried away with them. Wherat Numitor stormed marveilously, but
yet his men seemed to make but litle accoumpt of it, and purposing revenge,
they gathered about them a good companie of vagabonds (that had neither
home, nor resting place) and certaine fugitive bonde men which they intised
ill favoredly, incoraging them to steale awaye from their masters. Thus
one daye whilest Romulus was busie about some sacrifice, (being a devoute
man and religious, and well geven to serve the goddes, & to learne
to divine & tell before hande what things should happen & come
to passe) it happened the heard men of Numitor to meete Remus very slenderly
accompanied: so they fell upon him sodainely, blowes were delt rowndely
on bothe sides, and men were hurte on either parte. Howbeit Numitors men
in the ende proved the stronger parte, and dyd take Remus by force, and
caryed him straight before Numitor, alledging many complaintes and matters
against him. Numitor durst not punish him of his owne authoritie, hicause
he feared his brother Amulius, who was somewhat
<Plut1-56> ROMVLVS terrible: but went unto him, and earnestly besought
him to doe him justice, and not to suffer him being his owne brother, to
receyve such injurye of his men. There was not a man in the cittie of ALBA,
but dyd greatly mislike the injurie done to Numitor: and spake it openly,
that he was no persone to be offered such a wronge. In so muche as Amulius
moved herewith, dyd deliver Remus into his handes, to punishe him as he
thought good. Whereupon Numitor caried him home with him. But when he had
him in his house, he beganne to consider better of him, with admiration
howe goodly a younge man he was, howe in height and strength of bodye he
passed all the rest of his people: and perceyving in his face an assured
constancie+, and bolde stedfast corage that yelded not, nor was abashed
for any daunger he sawe toward him: and hearing also the reporte of his
actes and manhod to be aunswerable to that he sawe: (being chiefly moved
in mine opinion by some secret inspiration of the goddes, which ordaine
the depthe of great matters) beganne partely by conjecture, and partely
by chaunce to take a conceit of him. So he asked him what he was, and who
was his father & mother: speaking to him in a more gentle wise, and
with a friendlier countenaunce then before, to make him the bolder to answer,
and be of better hope. Remus boldly aunswered him. Truely I will not hide
the trothe from thee, for thou seemest to me more worthie to be King, then
thy brother Amulius. For thou enquierest, and hearest first before thou
condenmest: and he condemneth before he examine or heare the parties. Untill
nowe, we thought we had bene the children of two of the Kings servants,
to wit of Faustulus and of Laurentia: I saye we, bicause my brother and
I are two twynnes. But seeing we are nowe falsely accused unto thee, and
by malicious surmised tales are wrongefully brought in daunger of our lives:
we intend to discover our selves,
ROMVLVS <Plut1-57> and to declare straunge things unto thee, whereof
the present perill we stande nowe in, shall plainely prove the trothe.
Men saye that we have bene begotten miraculously, fostered and geven sucke
more straungely, and in our tender yeres were fedd by birdes and wilde
beasts, to whom we were cast out as a praye. For a woulfe gave us sucke
with her teates, and an hitwaw (they saye) brought us litle crommes, and
put them in our mouthes, as we laye upon the bancke by the river, where
we were put in a troughe that at this daye remaineth whole, bounde about
with plates of copper, upon the which are some letters engraven halfe worne
out, which peradventure one daye will serve for some tokens of knowledge
(unprofitable for our parents) when it shalbe to late, and after we are
dead and gone. Numitor then comparing these wordes, with the age the younge
man seemed to be of, and considering well his face: dyd not reject the
hope of his imagination that smiled on him, but handled the matter so,
that he found meanes to speake secretly with his daughter, notwithstanding
at that time she was kept very straightly. Faustulus in the meane time
hearing that Remus was prisoner, and that the King had delivered him already
into the hands of his brother Numitor to doe justice, went to praye Romulus
to helpe him, and tolde him then whose children they were: for before he
had never opened it to them but in darcke speaches, and glawnsingwise,
and so muche as sufficed to put them in some hope. So Faustulus taking
the troughe with him at that time, went unto Numitor in great haste marveilously
affrayed for the present daunger he thought Remus in. The Kings souldiers
which warded the gates of the cittie, beganne to gather some suspicion
of Faustulus manner of comming: and he made him selfe to be the more suspected,
being questioned with about the cause of his repaire thither, that he faltred
in his wordes: besides, they espied his
<Plut1-58> ROMVLVS troughe which he caried under his cloke. Nowe
amongest the warders, there was by chaunce one that was the man to whom
the children were committed to be cast awaye, and was present when they
were left on the bancke of the river to the mercie of fortune. {Oedipus+}
This man knewe the troughe by & by, aswell by the facion, as by the
letters graven upon it: who mistrusted straight that which was true in
deede. So he dyd not neglect the thing, but went forthwith to the king
to tell him the matter, & led Faustulus with him to have him confesse
the trothe. Faustulus being in this perplexitie, could not kepe all close
upon examination, but dyd utter somewhat of the matter, & yet he tolde
not all. For he plainely justified the children were alive: yet he sayed
they were farre from the cittie of ALBA, where they kept beastes in the
fields. And as for the troughe, he was going to carye it to Ilia, bicause
she had divers times prayed him to let her see and feele it: to the ende
she might be the more assured of her hope, who promised her that one daye
she should see her children againe. So it chaunced unto Amulius at that
time, as it commonly dothe unto those that are troubled, and doe any thing
in feare or anger+, as a man amazed thereat, to send one presently (who
in all other things was a very honest man, but a great friende of his brother
Numitors) to aske him if he had heard any thing that his daughters children
were alive. This persone being come to Numitors house, founde him ready
to embrace Remus, who fell to be witnes thereof, and of the good happe
discovered unto Numitor: whereupon he perswaded him howe to set upon his
brother, and to dispatche the matter with spede. So from that time forwards,
he tooke their parte. On thother side also the matter gave them no leisure
to deferre their enterprise, although they had bene willing: for the whole
case was somewhat blowen abroade. So Romulus then got straight a power,
and drewe very neere
ROMVLVS <Plut1-59> the cittie, and many of the citizens of ALBA
went out to joyne with him, who either feared or hated Amulius. Nowe Romulus
power which he brought (over and besides those citizens) was a good number
of fighting men, and they were divided by hundreds, and every hundred had
his captaine who marched before his bande, carying litle bundells of grasse
or of boughes tyed to the ende of their poles. The LATINES call these bundels
Manipulos, whereof it commeth that yet at this daye in an armie of the
Romaines, the souldiers which are all under one ensigne, are called Manipulates.
So Remus sturring up those that were within the cittie, and Romulus bringing
in men from without, the tyranne Amulius fell in such feare and agonie,
that without providing any thing for his safety, they came upon him sodainly
in his palace, and slewe him. Thus you heare howe neere Fabius Pictor and
Diocles Peparethian doe agree in reciting the storie, who was the first
in mine opinion that wrote the foundation of the cittie of Rome: howbeit
there are that thincke they are all but fables and tales devised of pleasure.
But me thincks for all that, they are not altogether to be rejected or
discredited, if we will consider fortunes straunge effects upon times,
and of the greatnes also of the Romaine empire: which had never atchieved
to her present possessed power and authoritie, if the goddes had not from
the beginning bene workers of the same, and if there had not also bene
some straunge cause, and wonderful foundation. Amulius being nowe slayne
as before, and after that all things were appeased, and reduced to good
order againe: Remus and Romulus would not dwell in the cittie of ALBA,
being no lordes thereof, nor also would be lords of it, so long as their
grandfather by the mothers side was alive. Wherefore after they had restored
him to his estate, and had done the honour and duety they ought unto their
mother: they purposed to goe and build a cittie in
<Plut1-60> ROMVLVS those places where they had bene first brought
up, for this was the honestest culler they could pretend for their departing
from ALBA. Peradventure they were enforced so to doe whether they would
or not, for the great number of banished men, and fugitive slaves which
were gathered together by them for their strength, who had bene utterly
lost and cast away, if they had bene once discharged by them. Therfore
it was of necessitie that they should dwell by them selves, separated in
some place, to kepe this number together and in some order. For it is true
that the inhabitants of the cittie of ALBA would not suffer such banished
persones & runnagates to be mingled amongest them, nor would receave
them into their cittie to be free among them. All which appeareth sufficiently:
first, bicause they tooke awaye women by force: and so not of insolencie,
but of necessitie, when they founde no man that would bestow any of them.
It is manifest also they dyd greately honour and make much of the women
they had taken away before. Furthermore, when their cittie beganne a litle
to be setled, they made a temple of refuge for all fugitives and afflicted
persones, which they called the temple of the God Asylaeus. Where there
was sanctuarie and safety for all sortes of people that repaired thither,
and could get into the temple, for whom it was alledged they could not
deliver any bonde man to his mafter, nor detter to his creditor, nor murtherer
to the justice that was fled thither for succor, bicause the oracle of
Apollo the Delphian had expressely enjoyned them to graunte sanctuary to
all those that would come thither for it. So by this meanes in shorte space
their cittie florished, and was repleanished, where at the first foundation
of it, they saye there was not above one thousand houses, as more at large
hereafter shalbe declared. When they came nowe to the building of their
cittie, Romulus and Remus the two brethern fell sodainely at a strife together
ROMVLVS <Plut1-61> about the place where the cittie should be builded.
For Romulus built ROME, which is called foure square, and would needes
it should remaine in the place which he had chosen. Remus his brother chose
another place very strong of situation, upon moumte Aventine, which was
called after his name Remonium, and nowe is called Rignarium. Notwithstanding,
in the ende they agreed betwene them selves this controversie should be
decided, by the flying of birds, which doe geve a happy divination of things
to come. So being sett in divers places by them selves to make observation,
some saye that there appeared unto Remus sixe, and to Romulus twelve vulters.
Other saye that Remus truely sawe sixe, and Romulus feigned from the beginning
that he sawe twise as many: but when Remus came to him, then there appeared
twelve in deede unto Romulus, and this is the cause why the Romaines at
this daye in their divinations and soothesayings of the flying of birds,
doe marvelously observe the flying of the vulters. It is true which the
historiographer Herodotus Ponticus writeth: that Hercules rejoyced much
when there appeared a vulter to him, being readie to beginne any enterprise.
For it is the foule of the worlde that dothe least hurte, and never marreth
nor destroyeth any thing that man dothe sowe, plante, or set: considering
that she feedeth on carion only, and dothe never hurte nor kill any living
thing. Also she dothe not praye upon dead fowle, for the likenes that is
betwene them: where the eagles, the dukes and the sakers doe murther, kill,
and eate those which are of their owne kynde. And yet as AEschylus sayeth,
Needes must that fowle are accompted be most vile, Most ravening, and full
of filthie minde, Which doth himself, continually defile, hy praying still
upon his propre kinde.
<Plut1-62> ROMVLVS Moreover, other birdes are allwayes (as a man
would saye) before our eyes, and doe daylie shewe them selves unto us:
where the vulter is a very rare byrde, and hardely to be seene, and men
doe not easely finde their ayeries. Which hathe geven some occasion to
holde a false opinion, that the vulters are passagers, and come into these
partes out of straunge countryes. The prognosticators also thincke, that
suche things which are not ordinarie, and but seldome seene, be not naturall,
but miraculously sent by the goddes to prognosticate something. When Remus
knewe howe his brother had mocked him, he was very angry with him. And
when Romulus had cast a dytche, as it were for the wall about his cittie,
Remus dyd not only scorne it, but hindered also his worke, and in the ende
for a mockerie lept over his wall. To conclude, he dyd so much, that at
the last he was slayne there by Romulus owne handes as some saye: or as
other holde opinion, by the handes of one of his men which was called Celer.
In this fight they slewe Faustulus, and Plistinus also his brother, who
had holpen him to bring up Romulus. Howsoever the matter fell out, this
Celer absented him selfe from ROME, and went into the countrye of THVSCANE.
And they saye, that men which are quicke, and readye upon a sodaine, tooke
their names ever after upon him, & were called Celeres. As amongest
other, Quintus Metellus, after the death of his father, having in very
fewe dayes made the people of ROME to see a combate of fensers (called
Gladiatores) {genl_reader+} fighting at the sharpe, they surnamed him Celer,
for that the Romaines marvelled howe he could prepare his things in so
shorte a time. Furthermore, Romulus having nowe buried his brother, and
his other two bringers up (called foster fathers) in the place they call
Remonia: beganne then to buyld and laye the foundation of his cittie, sending
for men out of THVSCANE, who did name and teache him particularly all the
ROMVLVS <Plut1-63> ceremonies he had to observe there, according
to their lawes and ordinances as a great holy mysterie. And of all they
made a rounde dytche in the place called a this daye Comitium, into which
they dyd cast their chiefest and best things, which men use lawfully for
good, & naturally as most necessarie. After that they dyd throw also
into it, a litle of the earthe, from whence every man came, & mingled
these all together. This dytche in their ceremonies is called the worlde,
in Latine Mundus, even the selfe same name the Latines call the Universall.
About this dytche they dyd trace the compasse of the cittie they woulde
buylde, even as one would drawe a circle about a center. This done, the
founder of the cittie taketh a plough, to which he fastened a cutter or
ploughe share of brasse, and so yoked in the ploughe an oxe and a cowe,
he him selfe holding the ploughe dyd make rounde about the compasse of
the cittie a deepe furrowe. Those which followed him, had the charge to
throwe the turves of earthe inward into the cittie, which the ploughe share
raised up, and not to leave any of them turned outward. The furrowe thus
cast up was the whole compasse of their walle, which they call in Latine
Pomaerium, by shortning of the syllables, for post murum: to wit, after
wall. But in the place where they determined to make a gate, they dyd take
of the plougheshare and drawe the ploughe, with leaving a certain space
of earthe unbroken up: whereupon the Romaines thincke all the compasse
of their walles holy and sacred, except their gates. For if their gates
had bene hallowed and sanctified, they would have had a conscience through
them to have brought in, or caried out of the cittie, any things necessarie
for the life of man, that had not bene pure and cleane. Nowe they beleeve
certainely, that this ceremonie of the foundation of their cittie was made
the one and twentie of Aprill: bicause the ROMAINES doe yet keepe that
daye holy daye, and call it
<Plut1-64> ROMVLVS the feast of the nativitie of their countrye.
On which daye they dyd not in olde time sacrifice any thing that had life,
as esteeming that daye (which was the nativitie of their cittie) to be
most mete to be kept cleane and pure from being polluted or defiled with
any bloude. Notwithstanding before ROME was buylded, they had another feast
called the sheapeheards or heardmens holy daye, which they dyd celebrate
upon the same daye, and called it Pallia. Nowe at this daye the beginnings
of the moneths with the ROMAINES is cleane contrarie to the GRECIANS: yet
for all this, they holde opinion for certaintie that the daye on which
Romulus founded his cittie, was assuredly that which the GRECIANS call
Triacada: that is to saye, the thirtie daye. On which there was seene an
eclypse of the moone, which they suppose was observed by the Poet Antimachus
(borne in the cittie of TEOS) in the thirtenth yere of the sixt Olympiade.
Likewise in the time of Marcus Varro (as a man learned, and one that had
redde as much of auncient stories as any ROMAINE) there was a friend of
his called Tarutius, a great philosopher and mathematician. Who being geven
to the calculation of astronomie for the delight of speculation only, wherein
he was thought most excellent: it dyd fall out that Varro gave him this
question, to searche out what hower and daye the nativitie of Romulus was,
who gathered it out by certaine accidents, as they doe in the resolutions
of certaine geometrical questions. For they saye, that by the selfe same
science, one maye tell before of things to come, and to happen to a man
in his life, knowing certainely the hower of his nativitie: and howe one
maye tell also the hower of his nativitie, when by accidents they knowe
what hath happened to him all his life. Tarutius dyd the question that
Varro gave him. And having throughely considered the adventures, dedes,
and gestes of Romulus,
ROMVLVS <Plut1-65> gathered and conferred together, he dyd boldly
judge for a certaintie, that he was conceyved in his mothers wombe, in
the first yere of the seconde Olympiade, the three and twentie daye of
the moneth which the EGYPTIANS call Chaeac, and now is called December,
about three of the clocke in the morning, in which hower there was a whole
eclypse of the sunne: And that he was borne into the worlde, the one and
twenteth of the moneth of Thoth, which is the moneth of September, about
the rising of the sunne. And that ROME was begonne by him on the ninth
daye of the moneth which the EGYPTIANS call Pharmuthi and aunswereth now
to the moneth of Aprill, betweene two and three of the clocke in the morning.
For they will saye that a cittie hathe his revolution and his time of continuaunce
appointed, as well as the life of a man: and that they knewe by the situation
of the starres, the daye of her beginning and foundation. These things
and suche other like, peradventure will please the readers better, for
their straungenes and curiositie, then offend or mislike them for their
falsehood. Nowe after he had founded his cittie, he first and foremost
dyd divide in two companies, all those that were of age to carie armour.
In every one of these companies there were three thousand footemen, and
three hundred horsemen: and they were called Legions, bicause they were
sorted of the chosen men that were pyckt out amongest all the rest for
to fight. The remaine after these was called Populus, which signifieth
the people. After this, he made a hundred counsellers of the best and honestest
men of the cittie, which he called Patricians: and the whole company of
them together he called Senatus, as one would saye, the counsell of the
auncients. So they were called Patricians, as some will saye, the counsaill
of the fathers lawfull children, which fewe of the first inhabitants could
shewe. It maye be, some will saye this name was geven them of Patroci-
<Plut1-66> ROMVLVS nium, as growing of the protection they had by
the sanctuarie of their cittie, which worde they use at this daye in the
selfe same signification: as one that followed Evander into ITALIE, was
called Patron, bicause he was pitiefull, and relieved the poore and litle
children, and so got him selfe a name for his pitie and humanitie. But
me thinckes it were more like the trothe to saye, that Romulus dyd call
them so, bicause he thought the chiefest men should have a fatherly care
of the meaner sorte: {benevolence+} considering also it was to teache the
meaner sorte that they should not feare th'authoritie of the greater, nor
envie at their honours they had, but rather in all their causes should
use their favour and good will, by takng them as their fathers. {service+}
For even at this present, straungers call those of the Senate, lordes or
captaines: but the naturall ROMAINES call them, Patres Conscripti which
is a name of fatherhed and dignitie without envie. It is true that at the
beginning they were only called Patres, but sithence, bicause they were
many joyned unto the first, they have bene named Patres Conscripti as a
man should saye, fathers of recorde together: which is the honorablest
name he could have devised to make a difference betwext the Senatours,
and the people. Furthermore, he made a difference betweene the chiefer
cittizens, and the baser people, by calling the better sorte Patroni as
muche to saye, as defenders: and the meaner sorte Clientes+, as you would
saye, followers, or men protected. This dyd breede a marvellous great love
and good will among them, making the one much beholding to the other, by
many mutuall curtesies and pleasures: {ring+} for the Patrons dyd helpe
the clients to their right, defended their causes in judgement, dyd geve
unto them counsaill, and dyd take all their matters in hande. The clients
againe enterchaungeably humbled them selves to their patrons, not onely
in outwarde honour & reverence towardes them, but other-
ROMVLVS <Plut1-67> wise dyd helpe them with money to marrie and
advaunce their daughters, or els to paye their dettes and credit, if they
were poore or decayed. There was no lawe nor magistrate that could compell
the patron to be a witnes against his client: nor yet the client to witnesse
against his patron. So they increased, and continued, all other rights
and offices of amitie and friendshippe+ together, saving afterwards they
thought it a great shame and reproache for the better, and richer, to take
rewarde of the meaner and poorer. And thus of this matter we have spoken
sufficiently. Moreover, foure moneths after the foundation of the cittie
was layed, Fabius writeth, there was a great ravishement of women. There
are some which laye it upon Romulus, who being then of nature warlike,
and geven to prophecies and aunswers of the goddes, foretolde that his
cittie should become very great and mightie, so as he raysed it by warres,
and increased it by armes: and he sought out this culler to doe mischief,
and to make warre upon the SABYNES. To prove this true, some saye he caused
certaine of their maydes by force to be taken awaye, but not past thirtie
in number, as one that rather sought cause of warres, then dyd it for neede
of mariages: which me thinckes was not likely to be true, but rather I
judge the contrarie. For seeing his cittie was incontinently repleanished
with people of all sortes, whereof there were very fewe that had wives,
and that they were men gathered out of all countryes, and the most parte
of them poore and needye, so as their neighbours disdayned them much, and
dyd not looke they would longe dwell together: Romulus hoping by this violent
taking of their maydes and ravishing them, to have an entrie into alliance
with the SABYNES, and to entise them further to joyne with them in mariage,
if they dyd gentely intreate these wives they had gotten, enterprised this
violent taking of their maydes, & ravishing of them
<Plut1-68> ROMVLVS in suche a sorte. First he made it to be commonly
bruited abroade in every place, that he had founde the altar of a god hidden
in the grounde, and he called the name of the god, Consus: either bicause
he was a god of counsaill, wherupon the ROMAINES at this daye in their
tongue call Consilium, which we call counsell: & the chief magistrates
of their cittie Consules, as we saye counsellers. Other saye it was the
altar of the god Neptune, surnamed the patron of horses. For this altar
is yet at this daye within the great listes of the cittie, and ever covered
and hidden, but when they use the running games of their horse race. Other
saye bicause counsell ever must be kept close and secret, they had good
reason to kepe the altar of this god Consus hidden in the grounde. Nowe
other write when it was opened, Romulus made a sacrifice of wonderful joye,
and afterwardes proclaimed it openly in divers places, that at suche a
daye there should be common playes in ROME, and a solemne feaft kept of
the god Consus, where all that were disposed to come should be welcome.
Great numbers of people repaired thither from all partes. He him selfe
was set in the chiefest seate of the showe place, apparelled fayer in purple,
& accompanied with the chiefe of his cittie about him. And there having
purposed this ravishement you have heard of, he had geven the signe before:
that the same should beginne, when he should rise up and folde a playte
of his gowne, and unfolde the same againe. Hereupon his men stoode attending
with their swordes: who so sone as they perceyved the signe was geven,
with their swordes drawen in hande, and with great showtes and cryes ranne
violently on the maydes and daughters of the SABYNES to take them awaye
and ravishe them, and suffered the men to ronne awaye, without doing them
any hurte or violence. So some saye, there were but thirtie ravished, after
whose names were called the thirtie linages of the
ROMVLVS <Plut1-69> people of ROME. Howbeit Valerius Antias writeth,
that there were five hundred and seven and twentie: and Juba, sixe hundred
foure score and three. In the which is singularly to be noted for the commendation
of Romulus, that he him selfe dyd take then but onely one of the maydes
named Hersilia: that afterwardes was the only cause and mediation of peace
betwext the SABYNES and the ROMAINES. Which argueth plainely, that it was
not to do the SABYNES any hurte, nor to satisfie any disordinate lust,
that they had so forcibly undertaken this ravishement: but to joyne two
peoples together with the straightest bondes that could be betweene men.
This Hersilia as some saye, was maried unto one Hostilias, the noblest
man at that time amongest the ROMAINES: or as others write, unto Romulus
him selfe, which had two children by her. The first was a daughter, and
her name was Prima, bicause she was the first: the other was a sonne, whom
he named Aollius, bicause of the multitude of people he had assembled together
in his cittie, and afterwardes he was surnamed Abillius. Thus Zenodotus
the TROEZENIAN writeth, wherein notwithstanding there be divers that doe
contrarie him. Among those which ravished then the daughters of the SABYNES,
it is sayed there were founde certaine meane men caryini away, a marvellous
passing fayer one. These met by chaunce on the waye, certaine of the chief
of the cittie, who would have taken her by force from them, which they
had done, but that they beganne to crye they caried her unto Talassius,
who was a younge man marveilously well beloved of every bodye. Which when
the others understoode, they were exceeding glad, and they commended them:
in so much as there were some which sodainely turned backe againe, and
dyd accompanie them for Talassius sake, crying out a lowde, and often on
his name. From whence the custome came, which to this daye the ROMAINES
synge at
<Plut1-70> ROMVLVS their mariages, Talassius, like as the GRECIANS
synge Himeneus. For it is sayed he was compted very happie that he met
with this woman. But Sextius Sylla a CARTHAGINIAN borne, a man very wise,
and well learned, tolde me once it was the crye and signe which Romulus
gave to his men, to beginne the ravishement: whereupon those which caried
them awaye, went crying this worde Talassius, and that from thence the
custome hathe continued, that they singe it yet at their mariages. Nevertheles
the most parte of authors, specially Juba, thinckes it is a warning to
remember the newe maried women of their worke, which is to spinne, which
the GRECIANS call Talassia, the Italian words at that time being not mingled
with the Greeke. And if it be true the ROMAINES used this terme of Talassia,
as we of GRECE doe use: we might by conjecture yeld another reason for
it, which should carie a better likelyhoode and proofe. For when the SABYNES
after the battel had made peace with the ROMAINES, they put in an article
in favour of the women in the treatie, that they should not be bounde to
serve their husbands in any other worke, but in spinning of wolle. Ever
since this custome hathe growen, that those which geve their daughters
in mariage, and those who leade the bryde, and such as are present at the
wedding, speake in sporte to the newe maried wife, laughing, Talassius:
in token that they doe not leade the bryde for any other worke or service,
but to spinne wolle. Thereof this hathe bene the use to this daye, that
the bryde dothe not of her selfe come over the threshold+ of her husbands
dore, but she is hoysed pretely into the house: bicause the SABYNE women
at that time were so lift up, and caried away by force. They saye also,
that the manner of making the shed of the new wedded wives heare, with
the Iron head of a Javeling, came up then likewise: this gtorie being a
manifest token that these first mariages
ROMVLVS <Plut1-71> were made by force of armes, and as it were at
the swords poynte: as we have written more at large in the booke, wherein
we tender and showe the causes of the ROMAINES facions and customes. This
ravishement was put in execution about the eightenth daye of the moneth
then called Sextilis, and nowe named August: on which daye they yet celebrate
the feast they call Consalia. Nowe the SABYNES were good men of warre,
and had great numbers of people, but they dwelt in villages, and not within
inclosed walles: being a thing fit for their noble courages that dyd feare
nothing, and as those who were descended from the LACEDAEMONIANS. Nevertheles,
they seeing them selves bound and tyed to peace by pledges and hostages,
that were very neere allyed unto them, & fearing their daughters should
be ill entreated: sent ambassadours to Romulus, by whom they made reasonable
offers and persuasions, that their daughters might be delivered unto them
againe, without any force or violence, and then afterwardes, that he would
cause them to be asked in mariage of their parents, as bothe reason and
lawe would require. To thend that with good will and consent of all parties,
both peoples might contract amitie and alliance together. Whereunto Romulus
made aunswer, he could not restore the maydes which his people had taken
awaye and maried: but most friendly he prayed the SABYNES to be contented
with their alliance. This aunswer being returned, and not liked, whilest
the princes and communaltie of the SABYNIES were occupied in consultation,
and about the arrming of them selves: Acron king of the CENINENSES (a man
exceeding courageous and skilfull in the warres, and one that from the
beginn'ng mistrusted the over bolde and stowte enterprises that Romulus
was likely to attempt, considering the late ravishment of the SABYNES daughters,
and howe he was alreadye greatly dreaded of his neighbours, and som-
<Plut1-72> ROMVLVS what untolerable, if he were not chasticed and
brought lower) first beganne to invade him with a puissant armie, and to
make hotte and violent warres upon him. Romulus on th'other side prepared
also, and went forth to meete him. When they were come so neere together
that they might see one another, they sent defiance+ to eache other, and
prayed that they two might fight man to man amiddest their armies, and
neither of theirs to sturre a foote. Bothe of them accepted of it, and
Romulus making his prayer unto Jupiter, dyd promise, and made a vowe: that
if he dyd geve him the victorie to overcome, he would offer up to him the
armour of his enemie, which he dyd. For first he slew Acron in the field,
and afterwards gave battell to his men, and overthrew them also. Lastely
he tooke his cittie, where he did no hurte nor yet displeasure to any,
saving that he dyd commaunde them to pull downe their houses, and destroy
them, and to goe dwell with him at ROME: where they should have the selfe
same rightes and priviledges which the flrst inhabitants did enjoye. There
was nothing more enlarged the cittie of ROME, then this manner of policie,
to joyne allwayes unto it those she had overcome and vanquished. Romulus
now to discharge his vowe, and in suche sorte that his offering might be
acceptable to Jupiter, and pleasaunt to his cittizens to beholde: did cut
downe a goodly straight growen young oke, which he lighted on by good fortune,
in the place where his campe did lye. The same he trimmed and dyd set forth
after the manner of victorie, hanging and tying all about it in fayer order,
the armour and weapons of king Acron. Then he girding his gowne to him,
and putting upon his long bushe of heare, a garland of lawrell, layed the
young oke upon his right shoulder, and he first marched before towards
his cittie, and songe a royall songe of victorie, all his armie following
him in armes unto the cittie in order of battell: where his
ROMVLVS <Plut1-73> cittizens receyved him in all passing wise and
triumphe. This noble and stately entrie ever since hath geven them minds
in such sorte, and in statelier wise to make their triumphe. The offering
of this triumphe was dedicated to Jupiter {non_nobis+} surnamed Feretrian:
bicause the Latine worde Ferire, signifieth to hurt and kill: and the prayer
Romulus had made, was, he might hurt and kill his enemie. Such spoyles
are called in Latine, Spolia opima: therefore sayeth Varro, that opes signifie
riches. Howbeit me thinckes it were more likely to saye, that they were
so named of this worde Opus, which betokeneth a dede, bicause he must needes
be the chief of the armie, that hath slayne with his owne hands the generall
of his enemies, and that must offer the spoyles called Spolia opima, as
you would saye, his principal spoyles and dedes. This never happened yet
but to three Romaine captaines onely: of the which Romulus was the first,
who slew Acron, king of the CENINENSES. Cornelius Cossia was the second,
who killed Tolumnius, the generall of the TUSCANS. Clodius Marcellus was
the thirde, who slewe Britomartus, king of the GAVLES, with his owne hands.
And for the two last, Cossus and Marcellus, they made their entrie into
the cittie, carying their triumphes upon charets triumphant: but Romulus
dyd not so. Therefore in this poynt Dionysius the historiographer hath
erred, writing that Romulus dyd enter into ROME upon a charter triumphant.
For it was Tarquinius Priscus the sonne of Demaratus, who first dyd set
out triumphes in so stately & magnificent showe. Other holde opinion
it was Valerius Publicola, who was the first that ever entred upon triumphant
charret. Concerning Romulus, his statues are yet to be seene in Rome, carying
his triumpe a foote. After this overthrows and and taking of the CENINENSESS,
the inhabitants of the citties of FIDENA, CHRVSTUMERIVM, and ANTEFMNA,
rose all together against the ROMAINES whiles the other SABY-
<Plut1-74> ROMVLVS NES also were a preparing them selves. So they
fought a battell, in which they tooke the overthrowe: & left their
citties to the spoyle of Romulus, their lands to be geven where he thought
good, and them selves to be caried to ROME. Romulus then dyd geve their
lands among his cittizens, except those lands which did belong to the fathers
of the maydens that they had taken away and ravished. For he was contented
that the fathers of them should kepe still their lands. By and by other
SABYNES stomaking thereat, did chuse them a generall called Tatius, and
so went with a puysant army toward the cittie of ROME, whereunto to approche
at that time it was very harde, the castell or keepe of their cittie being
seated, where at this day the Capitoll standeth, within which there was
a great garrison, whereof Tarpeius was captaine, and not his daughter Tarpeia,
as some will saye, who set out Romulus as a foole. But Tarpeia the captaines
daughter, for the desire she had to have all the golde bracelets which
they dyd weare about their armes, solde the forte to the SABYNES, and asked
for reward of her treason, all they did weare on their left armes. Tatius
promised them unto her: and she opened them a gate in the night, by the
which she did let all the SABYNES into the castell. Antigonus then was
not alone who sayed, he loved those which did betraye, and hated them that
had betrayed: nor yet Caesar Augustus who told Rymitalces the THRACIAN,
that he loved treason, but he hated traytors. And it is a comon affection
which we beare to wicked persons, whilest we stand in neede of them: not
unlike for all the world to those which have nede of the gall and poyson
of venemous beasts. For when they finde it, they are glad, and take it
to serve their turne: but after their turne is served, and they have that
they sought, they hate the crueltie of such beafts. So played Tatius at
that time. For when he was gotten into the castell, he commanded the SABYNES
(for performance of his promise he had made to Tarpeia+)
ROMVLVS <Plut1-75> they should not sticke to geve her all they weare
on their left armes, and to doe as he did: who taking from his owne arme
first, the bracelet which he ware, did cast it to her, and his target after.
And so did all the rest in like sorte, in so much as being borne downe
to the ground by the weight of bracelets and targets, she dyed as pressed
to deathe under her burden. Nevertheles Tarpeius self was atteinted, and
condemned also of treason, by Romulus order, as Juba sayeth, it is set
forth by Sulpitius Galba. They that write nowe otherwise of Tarpeia, saying
she was the daughter of Tatius generall of the SABYNES, and was forced
by Romulus to lie with him, and how she was punished in this sorte by her
own father after her said treason committed: those I saye, amongest whom
Antigonus is one, are not to be credited. And the poet Simylus also dothe
dote most, who sayeth Tarpeia solde the Capitoll not to the SABYNES, but
to the king of GAULES, with whom she was in love: as in these verses dothe
appeare. Tarpeia, that mayde of foolishe mynde, which nere unto the Capitoll
did dwell (In fervent flames, of beastly love beblynde, wherewith the king
of Gaules did make her swell) Causd slately ROME surprised for to be by
enemies, as every man maye see. And so throughe hope of his fidelitie betrayed
her syre, with all his familie. And a litle after, in speaking of the manner
of her deathe, he sayeth also: Yet lo: the Gaules, those worthie men of
might threw her not downe, into the waves of Po, But from their armes,
wherewith they wonte to fight they cast their shields upon her body so,
That she surpresst with such an heavy waight, (Ah woeful Mayde) to death
was smoothred straight.
<Plut1-76> ROMVLVS This mayden therefore being buried in the same
place, the whole hill was called afterwardes Tarpeius after her name, which
continued untill Tarquinius the King dyd dedicate all the place to Jupiter:
for then they caryed her bones into some other place, and so it lost her
name: Onles it be that rocke of the Capitoll, which at this present time
they call Rupes Tarpeia, from the toppe whereof they were wonte in olde
time to throwe downe hedlong all wicked offenders. When the SABYNES now
had gotten this holde, Romulus being exceeding wrathe, sent them a defiaunce+,
and bad them battell if they durst. Tatius straight refused not, considering
if by mischaunce they were distressed, they had a sure refuge to retire
unto. The place betweene the two armies where the fight should be, was
all round about environned with litle hilles. So as it was playne, the
fight could not be but sharpe and daungerous, for the discommodiousnes
of the place, were was neither grounde for any to flye, nor yet any space
for any longe chase, it was of so small a compasse. Nowe it fortuned by
chaunce, the river of Tyber had overflowen the banckes a fewe dayes before,
and there remained in it a deeper mudde then men would have judged, bicause
the grounde was so plaine, and was even where the great market place of
ROME standeth at this daye. They could discerne nothing thereof by the
eye, bicause the upper parte of it was crusted, whereby it was the more
readye for them to venter upon, and the worse to get out, for that it dyd
syncke underneathe. So the SABYNES had gone upon it, had not Curtius daunger
bene, which by good fortune stayed them. He was one of the noblest and
valliantest men of the SABYNES, who being mounted upon a courser, went
on a good waye before the armie. This courser entring upon the crustcd
mudde and sincking with all, beganne to plunge and struggle in the myer;
whereat Curtius proved
ROMVLVS <Plut1-77> a while with the spurre to sturre him, and get
him out, but in the ende seeing it would not be, he left his backe, and
saved him selfe. The same very place to this daye is called after his name,
Lacus Curtius. The SABYNES then scaping thus this daunger, beganne the
battell. The fight dyd growe very cruell, and endured so a great while,
the victorie leaning no more to the one side then to the other. There dyed
in a small space a great number of men, amongest whom Hostilius was one,
who as they saye was the husband of Hersilia, and grandfather to Hostilius
that was king of ROMAINES after Numa Pompilius. Afterwardes there were
(as we maye thincke) many other encounters and battels betweene them: howbeit
they make mention of the last above all the rest, wherein Romulus had so
sore a blowe on his head with a stone, that he was almost felled to the
grounde, in so much as he was driven to retire a litle out of the battell.
Upon which occasion the ROMAINES gave backe also, and drue towardes mount
Palatine, being driven out of the playne by force. Romulus begame nowe
to recover of the blowe he had receyved, and so returned to geve a newe
onset, and cryed out all he might to his souldiers to tarye, and shewe
their face againe to their enemie. But for all his lowde crying, they left
not flying still for life, and there was not one that durst returne againe.
Whereupon Romulus lyfting up his handes straight to heaven, dyd most fervently
praye unto Jupiter, that it would please him to staye the flying of his
people, and not suffer the ROMAINES glorie thus to fall to their utter
destruction, but to repaire it by his favour againe. He had no soner ended
this prayer, but divers of his men that fled, beganne to be ashamed to
flye before their King, and a sodaine boldnes came upon them, and their
feare therewithall vanished awaye. The place they first stayed in was,
where as nowe is the temple of Jupitor Stator, which is as much to say,
as Jupiter the
<Plut1-78> ROMVLVS stayer. Afterwardes gathering them selves together
againe, they repulsed the SABYNES even to the place they call nowe Regia
and unto the temple of the goddess Vesta: where bothe the battels being
prepared to geve a newe charge, there dyd fall out before them, a straunge
and an uncredible thing to see, which stayed them they fought not. For
of the SABYNE women whom the ROMAINES had ravished, some ranne of the one
side, other of the other side of the battels, with lamentations, cryes
and showtes, stepping betweene their weapons, and among the slayne bodyes
on the grounde, in suche sorte that they seemed out of their wittes, and
caried as it were with some spirites. In this manner they went to finde
out their fathers and their husbands, some carying their sucking babes
in their armes, other having their heare lose about their eyes, and all
of them calling, nowe upon the SABYNES, nowe upon the ROMAINES, with the
gentelest names that could be devised: which dyd melt the hartes of bothe
parties in suche sorte, that they gave backe a litle, and made them place
betweene bothe the battells. Then were the cryes and lamentations of everyone
playneIy hearde. There was not a man there but it pittied him, aswell to
see them in that pittiefull case, as to heare the lamentable wordes they
spake: adding to their most humble petitions and requestes that could be
any waye imagined, passing wise persuasions and reasons to induce them
to a peace. For what offence (sayed they) or what displeasure have we done
to you, that we should deserve suche an heape of evills, as we have already
suffered, and yet you make us beare? we were as you knowe violently (and
against all Iawe) ravished by those, whose nowe we remaine. But oure fathers,
oure brethern, oure mothers and friends have left us with them so long,
that processe of time, and the straightest bonds of the worlde, have tyed
us nowe so fast to them, whom mortally before we
ROMVLVS <Plut1-79> hated: that we are constrayned nowe to be slighted
thus, to see them fight, yea and to lament and dye with them, who before
unjustly tooke us from you. For then you came not to oure rescue when we
were virgines untouched, not to recover us from them when they wickedly
assaulted us; poore sowles: but nowe ye come to take the wives from their
husbands, and the mothers from their litle children. So as the helpe ye
thincke to geve us nowe dothe grieve us more, then the forsaking of us
was sorowfull to us then. Suche is the love they have borne unto us, &
suche is the kyndenes we beare againe to them. Nowe, if ye dyd fight for
any other cause then for us, yet were it reason ye should let fall your
armes for oure sakes (by whom you are made grandfathers and fathers in
lawe, cosins and brothers in lawe) even from those against whom you now
bend your force. But if all this warre beganne for us, we hartely beseeche
you then that you will receyve us with your sonnes in lawe, and your sonnes
by them, and that you will restore unto us oure fathers, oure brethern,
oure kinsefolkes and friends, without spoyling us of oure husbands, of
our children, and of our joyes, and thereby make us woefull captives and
prisoners in oure mindes. These requestes and persuasions by Hersilia,
and other the SABYNE women being heard, bothe the armies stayed, and helde
everie bodie his hand, and straight the two generalles imparled together.
During which parle they brought their husbands and their children, to their
fathers and their brethern. They brought meate and drincke for them that
would eate. They dressed up the woundes of those that were hurte. They
caried them home with them to their houses. They shewed them howe they
were mistresses there with their husbands. They made them see howe greately
they were accompted of and esteemed: yea howe with a wedlocke love and
reputation they were honored. So in the end
<Plut1-80> ROMVLVS peace was concluded betwene them, wherein it
was articled, that the SABYNE women which would remaine with their husbands
should tarye still, and be exempted from all worke or service (as above
recited) save only spinning of wolle. And that the SABYNES and ROMAINES
should dwell together in the cittie, which should be called ROMA, after
Romulus name: and the inhabitants should be called Quirites, after the
name of the cittie of Tatius king of the SABYNES, and that they should
reigne and governe together by a comon consent. The place where this peace
was concluded, is called yet to this daye Comitium: bicause that Coire,
in the Latine tongue signifieth to assemble. So the cittie being augmented
by the one halfe, they dyd choose of the SABYNES another hundred new PATRICIANS,
unto the first hundred of the ROMAINES that were chosen before. Then were
the Legions made of sixe thousand footemen, and six hundred horsemen. After
they divided their inhabitants into three Tribes, wherof those that came
of Romulus, were called Ramnenses after his name: those that came of Tatius
were called Tatienses after his name: and those that were of the third
stocke, were called Lucerenses, as from the Latine word Lucus, called with
us a grove in English, because thither great number of people of all sortes
dyd gather, which afterwards were made citizens of ROME. The very worde
of Tribus (which signifieth hands, wards, or hundreds) do the witnesse
this beginning of ROME from wards, or hundreds. For hereupon the ROMAINES
call those at this daye, their Tribunes, which are the chiefe heades of
the people. But every one of these principall wardes had afterwards ten
other particular wards under them, which some thincke were called after
the names of the thirtie SABYNE women that were ravished: but that semeth
false, bicause many of them cary the names of the places they came from.
Howbeit at that time many things were stab--
ROMVLVS <Plut1-81> lished and ordeined in honour_of_women+: as to
geve them place, the upper hande in meeting them, the upper hand in streets:
to speake no fowle or dishonest word before them, no man to unraye himselfe,
or shew naked before them: that they should not be called before criminall
judges sitting upon homicides & murderers: that their children should
weare about their necks a kind of a juell called Bulla, facioned in manner
like these water bubbles that rise upon the water when it beginneth to
raine: and that their gownes should be garded with purple. Now the two
Kings dyd not straight conferre together so sone as any occasion of busines
was offered them, but either of them dyd first counsell alone with his
hundred Senatours, and afterwards they dyd all assemble together. Tatius
dwelt in the place where nowe is the temple of Juno Moneta+: Romulus in
the place called at this present, the stayers of the fayer bancke, then
the descent of mount Palatine, as they goe to the showe place or great
listes, where they saye was somtime the holy cornell tree whereof they
make so great accompt. Romulus one daye desirous to prove his strength,
threwe (as it is sayed) a darte from mount Aventine toward mount Palatine.
The staffe whereof was of a cornell tree: and the Iron of it entred so
deepe into the ground being a lustye fatte soyle, that no man could pull
it out, although many proved it, and did the best they could. The ground
being very good and fit to bring forth trees, did so nourishe the ende
of this staffe, that it tooke roote, and beganne to spread braunches: so
that in time it became a fayer great cornell tree, which the successours
of Romulus dyd inclose with a walle, and dyd kepe and worshippe it as a
very holy thing. If by chaunce any went to see it, and found it looked
not freshe and grene, but like a tree withered and dryed awaye for lacke
of moysture: he went awaye straight as one affrayed, crying to all he met
(and they
<Plut1-82> ROMVLVS with him went crying still) in every place, water,
water, as it had bene to have quenched a fyre. Then ranne they thither
out of all quarters with vessels of water, to water and moyste the tree.
In the time of Caius Caesar, who caused the stayers about it to be repayred:
they saye the labourers raysing the place, and digging about this cornell
tree, dyd by negligence hurte the rootes of the same in suche sorte, as
afterwardes it dryed up altogether. Nowe the SABYNES receyved the moneths
after the manner of the Romaines, whereof we have written sufficiently
in the life of Numa. Romulus againe used the SABYNES sheldes: and both
he and his people chaunged the facion of their armour and weapons they
used. For the ROMAINE,S before dyd carye litle shelds like the ARGIVES.
As for either of their holy dayes and sacrifices, they kept them bothe
together, and dyd not take awaye any of them, which either the one or the
other people observed before, but they added thereunto some other newe.
As that which they call Matronalia, which was instituted in honour of the
women, bicause by their meanes peace was concluded. And that also of Carmentalia
in the honour of Carmenta, whom some suppose to be the goddesse of fate
or destinie+, bicause she hathe rule and power over the nativities of men,
by reason whereof, the mothers call upon her often, and reverence her very
much. Other saye she was the wife of Evander the Arcadian, who being a
prophetesse inspired by the god Phoebus, gave the oracles in verse, wherupon
she was surnamed Carmenus, bicause that Carmina in Latine signifie verses:
for it is of certaintie that her proper name was Nicostrata. Howbeit there
are some which geve another manner of derivation and interpretation of
this worde Carmenta, which is the liklier to be true: as if they would
saye, Carens mente: which signifieth wanting wit, for the very furie that
taketh them when they are inspired
ROMVLVS <Plut1-83> with the propheticall spirite. For in Latine
Carere, betokeneth to lacke: and Mens, signifieth wit. As for the feast
of Palilia, we have tolde of it before: but the feast of Lupercalia, considering
the time of celebrating thereof, it seemeth it is ordeined for a purification.
For it is celebrated on the unfortunate dayes of the moneth of Februarie,
which are called the purging dayes. The dayes in the olde time on which
they did celebrate the same, were called Februata. But the proper name
of the feast, is as much to saye, as the feast of woulves. Wherefore it
seemeth to be a feast of great antiquitie, and instituted by the ARCADIANS
which came in with Evander: albeit the name of woulves is as comon to the
females, as the males, and so it might perhappes be called, by reason of
the woulfe that brought up Romulus. For we see those which ronne up and
down the cittie that daye, and they call Luperci, doe beginne their course
in the very place where they saye Romulus was cast out. Howbeit many things
are done, whereof the originall cause were hard now to be conjectured.
For goates about a certaine time of the yere are killed, then they bring
two young boyes, noble mens sonnes, whose foreheads they touch with the
knife be bloudied with the bloude of the goates that are sacrificed. By
and by they drye their forheads with wolle dipped in milke. Then the yong
boyes must laughe immediately after they have dried their forheads. That
done they cut the goates skinnes, and make thongs of them, which they take
in their hands, and ronne with them all about the cittie starck naked (saving
they have a clothe before their secrets) and so they strike with these
thonges all they mete in their waye. The yonge wives doe never shonne them
at all, but are well contented to be striken with them, beleeving it helpeth
them to be with childe, and also to be easely delivered. There is another
thing yet in this feast, that these LVPERCIANS which ronne about the
<Plut1-84> ROMVLVS cittie, doe also sacrifice a dogge. Concerning
this feast, the Poet named Butas dothe write somewhat in his elegies, where
shewing the occasion of the fond customes and ceremonies of the Romaines,
he dothe saye that Romulus after he had slayne Amulius, did runne straight
with great joye to the very place where the wolfe gave him and his brother
sucke, in memory of which running, he sayeth this feast of Lupercalia was
celebrated and that the noble mens younger sonnes doe runne through the
cittie, striking and laying on them which they meete in their way with
their goate thongs, in token that Remus and Romulus ranne from ALBA unto
that place with their drawen swordes in their hands. And that the touching
of their forehead with a bloudy knife, is in remembrance of the daunger
they stoode in at that time to have bene slaine. Last of all, the drying
of their foreheads with wolle dipped in milke, is in memorie of the milke
they sucked of the woulfes. But Caius Acilius writeth, that Remus and Romulus
before Rome was built, did happen to lose their bcasts on a daye, and after
they had made certaine prayers unto Faunus for the finding of them, they
ranne here and there starcke naked as they went a seeking of them, for
feare they should have bene troubled with overmuch heate and sweating.
And this is the cause he sayeth, why the LUPERCIANS doe at this daye ronne
about naked. And if it be true they make this sacrifice for a purging,
a man might saye they might offer up a dogge for that purpose, like as
the Graecians in their sacrifices of purgation doe use to carie out all
their doggs. And in many places they doe observe this ceremonie, to drive
out the doggs, which they call Periscylacismes. Otherwise, if it be of
a thanckfullnes to the woulfe that gave Romulusm sucke, and saved him from
perishing, that the Romaines doe solemnise this feast: it is not impertinent
they sacrifice a dogge, bicause he is enemie to the woulves. Onles a man
ROMVLVS <Plut1-85> would saye it was to punishe this beast, which
troubleth & letteth the LVPERCIANS when they runne. Some saye also
it was Romulus, who first instituted it a religion to kepe holy fire, &
that first ordeined holie virgines, which are called Vestales: other doe
ascribe it to Numa Pompilius. Notwithstanding it is most certaine otherwise,
that Romulus was a very devoute man, and greatly skilfull in telling of
things to come by the flying of birds: for which cause he did ordinarilie
carie the augurs crooked staffe, called in Latin Lituus. It is a rodde
crooked at the end, wherewith the augurs or soothsayers when they sit down
to behold the flying of birds, doe poynte out and marke the quarters of
the heaven. They carefully kept it within the pallace: howbeit it was lost
in the time of warres with the GAVLES, when the cittie of ROME was taken.
Afterwards when these barbarous people were chased and driven out, it was
founde againe (as it is sayed) all whole, within a great hill or heape
of ashes, having no manner of hurte, where all things els about it had
bene consumed and marred with the fire. He is sayd to have made certaine
lawes among which there is one that seemeth somewhat harde, which is: that
the man is suffered to put awaye his wife, and in some case to geve her
nothing: and like libertie is not geven to the wife to put awaye her husband.
As if she maye be proved to have consented to the poysoning of her children,
or to have counterfeited her husbands keyes, or to have committed adulterie.
But if he put her awaye for any other cause, then the one halfe of the
goodes is adjudged to the wife, and the other moytie to the goddesse Ceres:
and he that putteth away his wife after this sorte, is commanded further,
to sacrifice to the goddes of the earth. This also was notable in Romulus,
who having ordeined no payne nor punishement for parricides (that is for
those that kill their parents) called yet all murder parricide, to shewe
how detestable
<Plut1-86> ROMVLVS that murder was, and as for parricides, he thought
it unpossible. And it seemed a great while, he had reason to thincke so,
that such wickednes would never happen in the worlde. For in sixe hundred
yeres together it was not knowen that any man in ROME committed suche an
offence: and the first parricide with them was Lucius Ostius, after the
warres of Hanniball. But enough touching this matter. Furthermore in the
first yere of the reigne of Tatius, some of his kynsemen and friendes met
by chaunce on the waye certeine ambassadours, comming from the citie of
LAVRENTVM unto ROME, whom they set upon, and ment to have robbed them.
The ambassadours resisting them, and not willing to deliver their money,
they made no more a doe, but slewe them. This haynous deede being thus
committed, Romulus was of opinion they shoulde be executed openly in the
highe waye for example. But Tatius deferred it still from daye to daye,
and dyd allwayes excuse the matter unto him, which was the only cause,
they fell out one with the other. For in all things els, they caried them
selves as honestly as might be the one to the other, ruling and governing
together, with a common consent and good accorde. But the parents &
kynsefolkes of those who were murdered, when they sawe they could have
no justice bicause of Tatius: watched him one daye as he sacrificed with
Romulus, in the cittie of Lavinium, and stabbed him in, without offering
Romulus any violence, but rather praysed him for a good and righteous prince.
Romulus caused the bodye of Tatius to be straight taken up and buried him
very honorably in mount Aventine, about the place nowe called Armilustrium.
Further he never shewed any countenaunce to revenge his death. There are
some Historiographers that write, that those of the cittie of Laurentum
being afeard at this murder, dyd deliver forthwith to Romulus the murderers
of the ambassadours. He notwithstanding
ROMVLVS <Plut1-87> dyd let them goe againe, saying: one murder was
requited by another. This gave some occasion of speache to thincke, he
was glad he was rydde of his companion: yet the Sabynes neither sturred
nor rebelled for all this, but some of them were affrayed of him for the
great love {love_fear+} they bare him, other for his power he was of, and
other for the honour they gave him as a god, continuing still in duetie
and obedience towards him. Divers straungers also had Romulus valiancie
in great honour: as amongest other, those who then were called the auncient
Latines, which sent ambassadours to him to make league and amitie with
him. He devised to take the cittie of Fidena which was nere ncighbour to
Rome. Some saye he tooke it upon a sodaine, having sent before certen horse
men to breake downe the hookes & hingewes with force, which the gates
hang by: and him self came after with the rest of his armie, and stale
upon them, before the cittie mistrusted any thing. Other write that the
Fidenates first invaded his countrye, and foraged unto the very suburbes
of Rome, where they did great harme: and howe Romulus layed an ambushe
in their waye as they returned home, and slewe a great number of them.
When he tooke their cittie, he did not rase it, but made a colonye of it,
(as a place to send the over increase of Rome unto) whether he sent afterwards
two thousand five hundred Romains to inhabite there: and it was on the
thirtenth daye of Aprill, which the Romaines call the Ides of the same
moneth. Not long after there rose suche a great plague+ in Rome, that men
died sodainely, and were not sicke: the earth brought forth no fruite:
bruite beasts delivered no increase of their kynde: there rayned also droppes
of bloude in Rome, as they saye. In so much as besides the evills men felt
in this extremitie, they fell in a marvellous feare of the wrathe of the
goddes. Afterwards perceiving the like happened to the inhabitants of Laurentum,
then ev-
<Plut1-88> ROMVLVS ery man judged it was the very vengeance &
heavie hand of the goddes, who plagued and punished these two citties for
the murder committed upon Tatius, and the ambassadours that were killed.
Whereupon the murderers of both sides were apprehended, and executed: and
these plagues+ by and by ceased both in the one and in the other cittie.
Romulus besides, did purifie the cities with certaine sacrifices that he
devised, which they keepe still at this daye, at the gate called Ferentina.
But before the plague ceased, the Camerines came to assaulte the Romaines,
& had overcomen all the countries supposing they should not be able
to withstand them, bicause they had bene so sore troubled with the plague+.
Yet notwithstanding, Romulus set upon them with his army, and wanne the
field of them, in which conflict there were slaine about sixe thousand
men. After the battell done, he tooke their cittie, and conveyed to Rome
the one half of the inhabitans that remained. After this, he sent twise
as many Romaines as there were naturall Camerians left at Camerine, to
dwell there among them. This was done the first daye of August: so great
was the multitude of the inhabitants of Rome that had increased in sixteene
yeres from the first foundation of the cittie. Emong other spoyles he got
there, he caried away a charret of brasse with foure horses which he caused
to be set up in the temple of Vulcan, and his owne statue upon it, and
victorie crowning him with a garland triumphant. His power being growen
thus great, his weake neighbours did submit themselves unto him, being
contented to live in peace by him. His stronger neighbours were affrayed
of him, and envied much his greatness and dyd take it no good policie to
suffer him thus to rise in the face of the world, and thought it meete
spedilie to dawnte his glorie, and clippe his winges. The first of the
Thuscans that bent their power against him were the Veians, who had a great
countrie, and dwelled
ROMVLVS <Plut1-89> in a stronge & mightie cittie. To picke a
quarrell to him, they sent to have redelivered to them the cittie of FIDENA,
which they sayed belonged unto them. This was thought not only unreasonable,
but a thing worthy laughing at considering that all the while the FIDENATES
were in warre, and daunger, the THVSCANS never came to their ayde, but
had suffered them to be slayne, and then came to demaunde their lands and
tenements, when other had possession of them. Therefore Romulus having
geven them an aunswer full of mockerie, and derision, {defiance+} they
divided their power into two armies, and sent the one against them of FIDENA,
and with the other they marched towards ROME. That which went against the
cittie of FIDENA, prevayled, and killed there two thousand ROMAINES: the
other was overthrowen and discomfited by Romulus, in which there dyed eight
thousand VEIANS. Afterwards, they met againe somewhat neere the cittie
of the FIDENATES, where they fought a battell: and all dyd confesse, the
chiefest exployte was done by Romulus owne hands that daye, who shewed
all the skill and valliantnes+ that was to be looked for in a worthy captaine.
It seemed that daye, he farre exc&eded the common sorte of men, in
strength of bodye & feates of armes. Nevertheles that which some saye,
is hardely to be credited: & to be plaine, is out of all compasse of
beliefe and possibilities. For they write, there were fourteene thousand
men slayne at that battell, and that more then halfe of them were slayne
by Romulus own hands: and the rather, for that every man judgeth it a vaine
bragge and ostentation which the MESSENIANS reporte of Aristomenes, who
offered in sacrifice to the goddes three hundred beastes of victorie, as
for so many LACEDAEMONIANS him self had slayne in the battell. Their armie
being thus broken, Romulus suffered them to flye who by swiftnes could
save them selves, and marched with all his power in good arraye towards
their cittie.
<Plut1-90> ROMVLVS The cittizens then considering their late great
losse and overthrows, would not hazard the daunger of withstanding him,
but went out all together, and made their humble petition and sute for
peace. All was graunted them for a hundred yeres, save they should forgoe
their territorie called Sestemagium, that was the seventh parte of their
countrye: and yeld to the ROMAINES all their salt houses by the rivers
side, and deliver fiftie of their chiefest cittizens for their pledges.
Romulus made his entrie and triumphe into ROME for them, the daye of the
Ides of October, which is the fitenth daye of the same moneth, leading
in his triumphe many prisoners taken in those warres: and among other,
the generall of the VEIANS, a very auncient man who fondly behaved him
selfe in his charge, and shewed by his doings, that his experience was
farre shorte for his yeres in the warres. And from thence it commeth, when
they offer to the goddes to geve thanckes for this victorie, {non_nobis+}
that even at daye, they bring to the capitoll throughe the market place
an old man apparelled in a purple robe, and with a Juell called Bulla about
his necke, which the gentlemens young children weare about their neckes:
and a heraulde goeth harde by hiln, crying, who buyeth who, the SARDIANIANS,
bicause they holde opinion the THVSCANS come of the SARDIANIANS, and the
very cittie of VEIES standeth in the countrie of THVSCANIE. This was the
laste warre that Romulus had offered him: after which he could not beware
of that which is wonte to happen almost to all those, who by sodaine prosperitie,
and fortunes+ speciall favour, are raised to highe and great estate. For
trusting to prosperitie and good successe of his actes, beganne to growe
more straunge and stately, and to carie a sowerer countenaunce then he
was wonte to doe efore: leaving to be after his olde manner, a curteous
and gracious prince, and gave him selfe in facions to be
ROMVLVS <Plut1-91> somwhat like a tyrant, both for his apparell,
and stately porte & majestie that he caried. For he ware ever a coate
of purple in graine, and upon that, a longe robe of purple culler: and
gave audience, sitting in a wyde chayer of estate having ever about him
young men called Celeres, as we would say, flights, for their swiftnes
and speede in executing his commaundements. Other there were that went
before him, who caried as it were tipstaves in their hands, to make the
people geve roome, and had leather thongs about their middle to binde fast
streight, all the prince should conimaunde. Nowe in olde time the Latines
sayed, Ligare was to binde: but, at this present they saye Alligare, from
whence it commeth that the ushers and sergeants are called Lictores. Howbeit
me thincks it were more likely to saye, they had put to a.c. and that before
they were called Litores, without a.c. For they be the very same which
the GRECIANS call Liturgos, and be in Englishe, ministers or officers:
and at this daye, Leitos, or Leos, in the GREKE tongue signifieth the people.
Romulus now after his grandfather Numitor was dead at the cittie of ALBA,
and that the Realme by inheritance fell to him: to winne the favour of
the people there, turned the Kingdome to a Comon weale, and every yere
dyd chuse a newe magistrate to minister justice to the SABYNES. This president
taught the noble men of ROME to seeke and desire to have a free estate,
where no subject should be at the commaundement of a King alone, and where
every man should commaund and obey as should be his course. Those which
were called patricians in ROME, dyd medle with nothing, but had onely an
honorable name and robe, and were called to counsail rather for a facion,
then to have their advise or counsaile. For when they were assembled together,
they dyd onely heare the Kings pleasure & commaundement, but they might
not speake one word, and so departed: having no other prehemi-
<Plut1-92> ROMVLVS nence over the Common wealthe, saving they were
the first that dyd knowe what was done. All other things thereby dyd greve
them lesse. But when of his owne mere authoritie, and as it were of him
self, he would as pleased him, bestowe the conquered lands of his enemies
to his souldiers, and restore againe to the VEIANS their hostages {Hal+}
as he dyd: therein plainely appeared, how great injurie he dyd to the Senate.
Whereupon the Senatours were suspected afterwards that they killed him,
when within fewe dayes after it was sayed, he vanished awaye so straungely,
that no man ever knewe what became of him. This was on the seventh daye
of the moneth nowe called July, which then was named Quintilis, leaving
no manner of certaintie els of his deathe that is knowen, save only of
the daye and the time when he vanished, as we have sayed before. For on
that daye, the ROMAINES doe at this present many things, in remembrance
of the misfortune which happened to them then. It is no marvell, the certaintie
of his deathe was not knowen: seeing Scipio Africanus was founde after
supper dead in his house, and no man could tell, nor yet dyd know how he
dyed. For some saye that he fainted, and dyed sodainely being of weake
complexion. Other saye he poysoned him self. Other thincke his enemies
dyd get secretly in the night into his house, and smoothred him in his
bed. Yet they founde his body layed on the ground, that every body might
at leysure consider, if they could finde or conjecture the manner of his
death. Howbeit Romulus vanished away sodainely, there was neither seene
pece of his garments, nor yet was there found any parte of his body. Therefore
some have thought that the whole Senatours fell upon him together in the
temple of Vulcan, and how after they had cut him in peces, every one caried
awaye a pece of him, folded close in the skyrte of his robe. Other thincke
also, this vanishing away was not in the tem-
ROMVLVS <Plut1-93> ple of Vulcan, nor in the presence of the Senatours
only but they saye that Romulus was at that time without the cittie, neere
the place called the goates marshe, where he made an oration to the people,
& that sodainely the weather chaunged, and overcast so terribly, as
it is not to be tolde nor credited. For first, the sunne was darckned as
if it had bene very night: this darcknes was not in a calme or still, but
there fell horrible thunders, boysterous windes, and flashing lightnings
on every side, which made the people ronne awaye, and scatter here and
there, but the Senatours kept still close together. Afterwardes when the
lightning was past and gone, the daye cleared up, and the element waxed
fayer as before. Then the people gathered together againe, and sought for
the King: asking what was become of him. But the noble men would not suffer
them to enquire any further after him, but counselled them to honour and
reverence him as one taken up into heaven: and that thenceforth insteade
of a good king, he would be unto them a mercifull & gratious god. The
meaner sorte of people (for the most parte of them) tooke it well, and
were very glad to heare thereof: and went their waye worshipping Romulus
in theit hartes with good hope they should prosper by him. Howbeit some
seeking out the trothe more egerly did comber sore, and troubled the Patricians:
accusing them, that they abused the common people with vaine & fonde
persuasions, whilest them selves in the meane time had murdered the King
with their owne hands. While things were thus in burly burly, some saye
there was one Julius Proculas, the noblest of all the Patricians, being
esteemed for a marvelous honest man, and knowen to have bene very familier
with Romulus, & came with him from the cittie of ALBA: that stepped
forth before all the people, and affirmed (by the greatest and holyest
othes a man might sweare) that he had met Romulus on the waye, farre greater
and fayerer,
<Plut1-94> ROMVLVS then he had seene him ever before, and armed
all in white armour, shyning bright like fire: whereat being afrayed in
that sorte to see him, he asked him yet: O King, why hast thou thus left
and forsaken us, that are so falsely accused and charged to our utter discredit
and shame, by thy vanishing. To whom Romulus gave this aunswer. Proculus,
it hathe pleased the goddes from whom I came, that I should remaine amongest
men so long as I dyd: and nowe having built a cittie, which in glorie and
greatnes of empire shalbe the chiefest of the worlde, that I should returne
againe to dwell with them, as before, in heaven. Therefore be of good comforte,
{Jesus+} and tell the ROMAINES, that they exercising prowesse and temperancie+,
shalbe the mightiest and greatest people of the worlde. As for me, tell
them I will henceforth be their god, protectour and patron, & they
shall call me Quirinus. These wordes seemed credible to the ROMAINES, aswell
for the honesty of the man that spake them, as for the solemne othes he
made before them all. Yet I wote not how, some celestiall motion, or divine
inspiration helped it much: for no man sayed a word against it. And so
all suspition and accusation layed aside, every man began to call upon
Quirinus, to praye unto him, & to worshippe him. Truely this tale is
much like the tales that the GRECIANS tell of Aristeas the proconnesian,
and of Cleomedes the Astypalaeian. For they saye, that Aristeas dyed in
a fullers worke house, and his friends comming to carte awaye his bodye,
it fell out they could not tell what became of it: and at that instant
there were some which came out of the fields, and affirmed they met and
spake with him, and how he kept his waye towards the cittie of CROTONA.
It is sayed also that Cleomedes was more then a man naturally strong and
great, and therewithall madde, and furious hastie. For after many desperate
partes he had played, he came at the last on a daye into a schoole house
full
ROMVLVS <Plut1-95> of litle children, the roofe wherof was borne
with one piller, which he dyd hit with so terrible a blowe of his fiste,
that he brake it in the middest, so as the whole roofe fell and dashed
the poore children in peces. {Samson+} The people ranne straight after
him to take him. But he threwe him selfe forthwith into a chest, and pulled
the lyd upon him. He helde it so fast downe, that many striving together
all they could to open it, they were not able once to styrre it. Whereupon
they brake the chest all in peces, but they founde the man neither quicke
nor dead. Whereat they were marveilously amazed, and sent to Apollo Pythias,
where the prophetesse aunswered them in this verse: Cleomedes the last
of the demygoddes. The reporte goeth also that Alcmenes corse dyd vanyshe
awaye, as they caried it to buriall, and howe in steade thereof they founde
a stone layed in the beere. To conclude, men tell many other suche wonders,
that are farre from any apparance of trothe: only bicause they would make
men to be as goddes, and equall with them in power. {presumption+} It is
true, that as to reprove and denie divine power, it were a lewde and wicked
parte: even so to compare earthe and heaven together, it were a mere follie.
Therefore we must let suche fables goe, being most certaine that as Pindarus
sayeth it is true. Eche living corps, must yelde at last to deaths, and
every life must leese his vitall breathe: The soule of man, that onely
lives on hie, and is an image of eternitie. For from heaven it came, and
thither againe it dothe returne, {wdswth+} not with the bodye, but then
soonest, when the sowle is furthest of and separated from the bodye, and
that she is kept holy, & is no more defiled with the flesh. It is that
the philosopher Heraclitus ment, when he sayed.
<Plut1-96> ROMVLVS The drye light, is the best soule which flyeth
out of the bodye, as lightning dothe out of the clowde: but that which
is joyned with the bodye being full of corporall passions, is a grosse
vapour, darke and massie, and cannot flame, ryse or shoote out like lightning.
{natural_depravity+} We must not beleeve therefore, that the bodyes of
noble and vertuous men, doe goe up together with their soules into heaven,
against the order of nature. But this we are certainely to beleeve, that
by the vertues of their soules (according to divine nature & justice)
they doe of men become saincts, and of saincts halfe goddes, and of halfe
goddes, entier & perfect goddes: after that they are perfectly (as
it were by sacrifices of purgation) made cleane and pure, being delivered
from all paine and mortalide, and not by any civill ordinance, but in trothe
and reason, they receave a most bappie and glorious ende. {purgatory+}
Now touching Romulus surname, which afterwards was called Quirinus: some
saye that it signifieth as much as warlike: other thinke he was so called
bicause the ROMAINES them selves were called Quirites. Other write, that
men in old time did call the poynte of a speare, on the darte it self,
Quiris: by reason whereof the image of Juno surnamed Quiritides, was set
up with an iron speare, and the speare which was consecrated in the Kings
pallace, was called Mars. Furthermore it is an use amongest men, to honour
them with a speare or darte, which have shewed them selves valiant in the
warres: and that for this cause Romulus was surnamed Quirinus, as who would
saye, god of the speares and warres. There was since built a temple unto
him, in the hill called Quirinus, and so named of him. The daye whereon
he vanished, is called the flying of the people, or otherwise the Nones
of the goates. For on that daye, they goe out of the cittie to doe sacrifice
in the place called the Fenne, or the goates marshe: and the ROMAINES call
a goate, Capra. As they goe thus together, they call,
ROMVLVS <Plut1-97> with lowde showtes and cryes upon divers Romaines
names, as Ilfarcus, Cneus, and Gaius, in token of the flying that was then:
and that they called one another backe againe, as they ranne awaye in great
feare and disorder. Howbeit other saye, that it is not done to shewe the
ronning awaye, but to shewe their spede and diligence, and referre it to
the storie. Nowe after the GAVLES that had taken ROME were expulsed by
Camillus, the cittie was so weakned, that they could scante recover their
force and strength againe: wherfore many of the LATINES joyning together,
went with a great mightie armie, under the conducte of Livius Postbumius,
to warre against the ROMAINES. This Posthumius brought his campe as neere
the cittie of ROME as he could, and sent to the ROMAINES by a trumpet to
let them understand, how the LATINES were desirous by newe mariages, to
restore their olde auncient amitie and kinred that was neere hand decayed
betweene them: and therefore if the ROMAINES would send them a convenient
number of their daughters and young widowes to marie with them, they should
have peace, as they had before time with the SABYNES upon the like occasion.
The ROMAINES hereat were sore troubled, thincking that to deliver their
women in such sorte was no better, then to yelde and submit them selves
to their enemies. But as they were thus perplexed, a wayting mayde called
Philotis (or as other call her, Tutola) gave them counsell to doe neither
the one not the other, but to use a pollicy with them, by meanes whereof
they should scape the daunger of the warres, and should also not be tyed
nor bounde by any pledges. The devise was, they should send to the LATINES
her selfe, & a certaine number of their fayrest bonde maydes, trimmed
up like gentlewomen and the best cittizens daughters, and that in the night
she would lifte them up a burning torche in the ayer, at which signe they
should come armed, and set up-
<Plut1-98> ROMVLVS on their enemies as they laye a sleepe. This
was brought to passe: & the LATINES thought verely they had bene the
ROMAINES daughters. Philotis fayled not in the night to lfte up her signe,
& to shewe them a burning torche in the toppe of a wilde figge tree:
and dyd hange certaine coverlets & clothes behinde it, that the enemies
might not see the light, and the ROMAINES contrariwise might decerne it
the better. Thereupon so sone as the ROMAINES sawe it, they ranne with
all spede, calling one another by their names, and issued out of the gates
of the cittie with great haste: and so tooke their enemies upon a sodaine,
and slewe them. In memorie of which victorie, they doe yet solemnise the
feaste called the Nones of the goates, bicause of the wilde figge tree
called in Latine Caprificus. And they doe feast the women without the cittie,
under shadowes made of the boughe of figge trees. The wayting maydes, they
ronne up and downe and playe here and there together. Afterwards they seeme
to fight, and throwe stones one at another, as then they dyd when they
holpe the ROMAINES in their fight. But fewe writers doe avowe this tale,
bicause it is on the daye time that they call to eche other by their names,
and that they goe to the place which they call the goates marshe, as unto
a sacrifice. It seemeth this agreeth better with the first historie when
they called one another by their names in the night, going against the
LATINES: onles peradventure these two thinges after many yeres happened
upon one daye. Furthermore, they saye Romulus was taken out of the worlde,
when he was foure and fiftie yeres of age, and had raigned eight and thirtie
yeres by accompt.
THE COMPARISON OF THESEVS WITH ROMULUS@ THVS have we declared all things
of Theseus and Romulus worthy memorie. But to compare the one with the
other, it appeareth first that Theseus of his owne voluntatie will, without
compulsion of any (when he might with safety have reigned in the cittie
of TROEZEN, and succeeded his grandfather in no small kingdome) dyd desire
of him selfe, and rather sought meanes to aspire to great things: {magnanimitie+}
and that Romulus on the other side, to deliver him self from bondage and
servitude that laye sore upon him, and to escape the threatned punishment
which still dyd hange over his head, was certainely compelled (as Plato
sayeth) to shewe him selfe hardie for feare: who seeing howe extremely
he was like to be handled, was of very force constrained to seeke adventure,
and hazarde the enterprise of attaining highe and great things. Moreover
the chiefest acte that ever he dyd was, when he slewe one onely tyranne
of the circle of ALBA called Amulius: where Theseus in his jorney only,
as he travelled, gave his minde to greater enterprises, & slewe Sciron,
Sinnis, Procruiles, and Corynetes. And by ridding them out of the worlde,
he delivered GRFCE of all those cruell tyrannes, before any of those knewe
him whom he had delivered from them. {tyrannicide+} Furthermore, he might
have gone TO ATHENS by sea, and never needed to have travelled, or put
him selfe in daunger with these robbers, considering he never receyved
hurte by any of them: where as Romulus could not be in safetie whilest
Amulius lived. Hereupon it maye be alledged, that Theseus unprovoked by
any private wronge or hurte receyved, dyd set upon these detestable theves
and robbers: Remus and Romulus contrariwise, so longe as the tyranne dyd
them no harme, dyd suffer him to oppresse and wronge all <Plut1-99>
<Plut1-100> THESEVS & ROMVLVS other. And if they alledge these
were noble dedes, and worthy memorie: {posterity+} that Romulas was hurte
fighting against the SABYNES, & that he slewe king Acron with his owne
handes, and that he had overcome and subdued many of his enemies. Then
for Theseus on thother side may be objected, the battell of the CENTAVRI,
the warres of the AMAZONES, the tribute due to the king of CRETA: and howe
he ventered to goe him selfe thither with the other young boyes and wenches
of ATHENS, as willingly offering him selfe to be devowred by a cruell beaste,
or els to be slayne and sacrificed upon the tumbe of Androgeus, or to become
bondslave and tyed in captivitie to the vile service of cruell men and
enemies, if by his corage and manhodde he could not deliver him self. This
was such an acte of magnanimitie+, justice+ and glorie, and briefly of
so great vertue, that it is unpossible truely to be set out. Surely me
thinckes the philosophers dyd not ill define love+, when they sayd she
was a servitour of the goddes, to save younge folkes, whom they thought
meete to be preserved. For, the love of Ariadne was in mine opinion the
worke of some god, and a meane purposely prepared for Theseus safety. Therefore
the woman is not to be reproached nor blamed for the love she bare Theseus,
but rather it is muche to be wondred at, that every man and woman in like
wise dyd not love him. And if of her selfe she fell in love with him, I
saye (and not without cause) she afterwards deserved to be beloved of a
god, as one that of her owne nature loved valiantnes and honour, &
entertained men of singuler value. But both Theseus and Romulus being naturally
geven to rule and raigne, neither the one nor the other kept the true forme
of a King, but bothe of them dyd degenerate alike: the one chaunging him
self into a popular man, the other to a very tyranne. So that by sundrie
humours, they both fell into one mischief & errour. For a prince above
all things must keepe
THESEVS & ROMVLVS <Plut1-101> his estate: which is no lesse
preserved by doing nothing uncomely, as by doing all things honorably.
But he that is more severe or remisse then he should be, remaineth now
no more a King or a prince, but becommeth a people pleaser, {Hal+} or a
cruell tyrante: and so causeth his subjects to despise or hate him. Yet
me thinckes the one is an errour of to muche pittie and basenes: and the
other of to muche pryde & crueltie. But if we maye not charge fortune+
with all mischaunces happening unto men, but that we ought to consider
in them the diversities of manners & passions, seeing anger+ is unreasonable,
& wrathe rashe and passionate: then can we not clere the one, nor excuse
the other of extreme rage and passion, in the facte committed by the one
against his brother, and by the other against his naturall sonne. Howbeit
the occasion and beginning of anger doth muche excuse Theseus who moved
with the greatest cause that might be, was put into suche choller and passion.
But if Romulus variaunce with his brother had proceeded of any matter of
counsell, or cause of the common weales: there is none so simple to thincke,
that his wisdome would so sodainely have set upon him. Where as Theseus
in contrarie manner killed his sonne, provoked by those passions that fewe
men can avoyde: to wit, love, jelousie, and false reporte of his wife.
Moreover Romulus anger went to the effect, whereof the issue fell out very
lamentable: Theseus anger stretched no further, then to roughe wordes,
and olde folkes curses in their heate. For it seemeth, cursed fortune,
and nought els, was the cause of his sonnes only mishappe, as forespoken
and wished for somewhat by his father. These be the speciall things maye
be alledged for Theseus. But for Romulus this was a noble thing in him.
First his beginning being very lowe and meane, and his brother and he taken
for bonde men, and the children of hoggeheards, before they were them selves
all free, they
<Plut1-102> THESEVS & ROMVLVS set at libertie in manner all
the LATINES, winning at one instant many titles of glorie and honour: as
distroyers of their enemies, defenders of their parents, Kings of nations,
founders of newe citties, and no overthrowers of the olde, where as Theseus
of many habitations and houses made onely one, & dyd overthrowe &
plucke downe divers states, bearing the names of auncient Kings, princes,
and halfe goddes of ATTICA. All these also dyd Romulus afterwards and compelled
his enemies whom he had overcome, to distroye their owne houses, and to
come and dwell with their conquerours. And in the beginning, he never chaunged
nor increased any cittie that was buylt before, but buylt him selfe a newe
cittie out of the grounde, getting all together, land, countrie, kingdome,
kindred & mariages, without losing or killing any man: and to the contrarie,
rather he dyd good to many poore vagabonds, who had neither countrie, lands,
nor houses, and desired nothing els but to make a people amongest them,
and to become cittizens of some cittie. Also Romulus bent not him selfe
to follow theeves and robbers, but subdued by force of armes many mightie
and puissant people: he tooke circles, & triumphed over Kings and princes
which he had vanquished in battel. And touching the murder of Remus, it
is not certainely knowen of whose hands he dyed. The most parte of authors
doe charge other with the death of him. But it is certaine that Romulus
delivered his mother from apparant death, and restoted his grandfather
to the royal throne of AEneas, who before was deposed and brought from
a King to servill obedience, without any regarde of honour or dignitie:
to whom he dyd many moe great pleasures and services. Besides he never
offended him willingly, no not so muche as ignorantly. Contrarylie I thincke
of Theseus, who fayling by negligence to put out his white sayle at his
returne, cannot be cleared of parricide, howe eloquent an oration
THESEVS & ROMVLVS <Plut1-103> soever could be made for his excuse:
yea though it were before the most favorable judges that could be. Wherefore
an ATHENIAN very well perceyving that it was an harde thing to excuse and
defend so fowle a faulte, dothe fayne that the good olde man, AEgeus having
newes brought him that his sonnes shippe was at hand, dyd ronne in so great
haste to his castell, to see his sonne arrive a farre of, that as he ranne,
his foote hit against some thing, & overthrewe him: as though he had
none of his people about him, or that never a man seeing him ronne so hastely
to the sea side, dyd make haste to attende & wayte upon him. Furthermore,
Theseus faults touching women & ravishements, of the twaine, had the
lesse shadowe & culler of honestie. Bicause Theseus dyd attempt it
very often: for he stale awaye Ariadne, Antiope, & Anaxo the Troezenian.
Againe being stepped in yeres, & at later age, & past mariage:
he stale awaye Helen in her minorities being nothing neere to consent to
marye. Then his taking of the daughters of the TROEZENIANS, of the LACEDAEMONIANS,
and the AMAZONES (neither contracted to him, nor comparable to the birthe
and linadge of his owne countrie which were at ATHENS, and descended of
the noble race and progenie of Erichtheus, and of Cecrops) dyd geve men
occasion to suspect that his womannishenes was rather to satisfie lust+,
then of any great love. Romulus nowe in a contrarie manner, when his people
had taken eight hundred, or thereabouts, of the Sabyne women to ravishe
them: kept but onely one for him selfe that was called Hersilia, as they
saye, and delivered the reste to his best and mowt honest cittizens. Afterwardes
by the honour, love, and good entertainment that he caused them to have
and receyve of their husbands, he chaunged this violent force of ravishement,
into a most perfect bonde and league of amitie: which dyd so knyt and joyne
in one these two nations, that it was the beginning of the great
<Plut1-104> THESEVS & ROMVLVS mutual love which grewe afterwards
betwext those two people, and consequently of the joyning of their powers
together. Furthermore, time hath geven a good testimonie of the love, reverence,
constancie, kyndenes, and all matrimonial offices that he established by
that meanes, betwext man and wife. For in two hundred and thirtie yeres
afterwards, there was never man that durst forsake or put awaye his wife,
nor the wife her husband. And as among the GRECIANS, the best learned men,
and most curious observers of antiquities doe knowe his name, that was
the first murderer of his father or mother: even so all the ROMAINES knewe
what he was, which first durst put away his wife. It was one called Spurius
Carvilius, bicause his wife was barren and had no children. The effects
also doe agree with the testimonie of the time. For the Realme was common
unto Kings of both nations, & through the alliance of these mariages
that beganne first of ravishements, both nations lived peaciblie, &
in equalitie, under one civill policie, and well governed common weale.
The ATHENIANS contrariewise, by Theseus mariages, dyd get neither love
nor kynred of any one persone, but rather they procured warres, enmities,
and the slaughter of their cittizens, with the losse in the ende of the
cittie of APHIDNES: and yet very hardely, and by the mercie of their enemies
(whom they honored as godds) they escaped for him, the daunger which the
TROIANS suffered afterwards, for the self acte done by Alexander Paris.
{lust+} So it fell out at the last, that his mother was not only in daunger,
but even feelingly suffered like miserie and captivitie, which Hecuba dyd
afterwards, when she was forsaken of her sonne: onles peradventure those
things that they write of the imprisonment and captivitie of AEtbra, be
founde false, and but fables, as for the fame and memorie of Theseus were
behovefull, that both it, and many other things also, were of no more trothe
THESEVS & ROMVLVS <Plut1-105> nor likelyhood. That which they
write of Romulus divinements, maketh great difference betwene him and Theseus.
For Romulus in his birthe was preserved by the marvelous favour of the
goddes: Theseus to the contrarie, was begotten against the goddes will,
as appeared plainely by the aunswer of the oracle to AEgeus, that he should
not medle with any woman in straunge and foraine countrie. The ende of
Romulus life.
The Life of Lycurgus+ A MAN can not speake any thing at all of Lycurgus,
who made the lawes of the LACEDAEMONIANS, but he shall finde great contrarietie
of him amongest the historiographers. For, of his parentage and travaill
out of his countrie, of his deathe & making of lawes, of his forme
and government, and order of executing the same, they have written diversely.
And yet above all things, concerning him, they agree worst about the time
he lived in. For some of them (and Aristotle is of that number) will needes
have him to have bene in the time of Ipbytus, and that he dyd helpe him
to stablish the ordinaunce that all warres should cease during the feast
of the games olympicall: for a testimonie whereof, they alledge the copper
coyne which was used to be throwen in those games, and had founde graven
upon it, the name of Lycurgus. Other compting the dayes and time of the
succession of the kings of LACEDAEMON (as Eratosthenes, <Plut1-106>
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-107> and Apollodorus) saye he was many yeres before
the first Olympiades. Timaeus also thincketh there were two of this name,
and in divers times: howbeit the one having more estimation then the other,
men gave this Lycurgus the glorie of both their doings. Some saye the eldest
of the twaine, was not longe after Homer: and some write they sawe him.
Xenophon sheweth us plainely he was of great antiquitie: saying he was
in the time of the Heraclides, who were neerest of bloude by descent to
Hercules. For it is likely Xenophon ment not those Heraclides, which descended
from Hercules self: for the last kings of SPARTA were of Hercules progenie,
aswell as the first. Therefore he meaneth those Heraclides, which doubtles
were the first & nearest before Hercules time. Nevertheles though the
historiographers have written diversely of him, yet we will not leave to
collect that which we finde written of him in auncient histories, and is
least to be denied, and by best testimonies most to be prooved. And first
of all, the poet Simonides sayeth, his fathe rwas called Prytanis and not
Eunomus: and the most parte doe write the pettigree otherwise, aswell of
Lycurgus self, as of Eunomus. For they saye, that Patrocles the sonne of
Aristodemus begate Sous, and Sous begate Eurytion, and Eurytion begate
Prytanis, and Prytanis begat Eunomus, and Eunomus begat Polydectes of his
flrst-wife, and Lycurgus of the second wife, called Dianassa: yet Euthychidas
an other writer, maketh Lycurgus the sixte of descent in the right line
from Poldectes, and the eleventh after Hercules. But of all his auncesters,
the noblest was Sous, in whose time the cittie of SPARTA subdued the Ilotes,
and made them slaves, and dyd enlarge and increase their dominion, with
the lands and possessions they had got by conquest of the Arcadians. And
it is sayed that Sous him self being on a time straightly besieged by the
CLITORIANS, in a hard drye grounde, where no water could be founde: offered
them
<Plut1-108> LYCVRGVS thereupon to restore all their lands againe
that he had gotten from them, if he and all his companie dyd drincke of
a fountaine that was there not farre of. The CLITORIANS dyd graunte unto
it, and peace also was sworne betweene them. Then he called all his souldiers
before him, and tolde them if there were any one amongest them that 'would
refrayne from drincking, he would resigne his kingdome to him: howbeit
there was not one in all his companie that could (or would) forbeare to
drincke, they were so sore a thirst. So they all drancke hartely except
him self, who being the last that came downe, dyd no more but a litle moyste
his mowthe without, and so refreshed him self, the enemies selves standing
by, and drancke not a droppe. By reason whereof, he refused afterwards
to restore their lands he had promised, alledging they had not all droncke.
But that notwithstanding, he was greately esteemed for his actes, and yet
his house was not named after his owne name: but after his sonnes name
Eurytion, they of his house were called Eurytionides. The reason was, bicause
his sonne Eurytion to please the people, dyd first let fall and geve over,
the sole and absolute power of a King. Whereupon there followed afterwardes
marvellous disorder and dissolution, {mob+} which continued a great time
in the Cittie of SPARTA. For the people finding them selves at libertie,
became very bolde and disobedient: and some of the Kinges that succeeded,
were hated even to deathe, bicause they woulde perforce use their auncient
authoritie over the people. Other, either to winne the love and goodwilles
of the people, or bicause they sawe they were not stronge enough to rule
them, dyd geve them selves to dissemble. And this dyd so muche increase
the peoples lose & rebellious mindes, that Lycurgus owne father being
Kinge, was slayne among them. For one daye, as he was parting a fraye betweene
two that were fighting, he had suche a wounde
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-109> with a kytchin knyfe, that he dyed: and left
his Realme to his eldest sonne Polydectes, who dyed also sone after and
without heyre of his bodye as was supposed. In so muche as every man thought
Lycurgus should be Kinge: and so he tooke it upon him, untill it was understoode
that his brothers wife was younge with childe. Which thing so soone as
he perceyved, he published openly; that the Realme belonged to the childe
that should be borne, if it were a sonne. After this he governed the Realme,
but as the Kings lieutenants and regent. The LACEDAEMONIANS call the regents
of their Kinges that are left within age, Prodicos. Lycurgus brothers widow
dyd send, and let him secretly understande, that if he would promise to
marye her when he should be King, that she would come before her time,
and either miscarye, or destroye that she went with. Lycurgus detestably
abhorring this brutishe and savage unnaturallnes of the woman, dyd not
reject her offer made him, but seemed rather to be very glad, then to dislike
of it. Nevertheles he sent her worde againe, she should not neede to trye
masteryes, with drinckes & medicines to make her come before her time:
for so doing, she might bring her selfe in daunger, and be cast awaye for
ever. Howbeit he advised her to goe her full time, and to be brought a
bed in good order, and then he would finde meanes enough to make awaye
the childe that should be borne. And so with suche persuasions he drewe
on this woman to her full time of deliveries. But so soone as he perceyved
she was neere her time, he sent certaine to keepe her, and to be present
at her laboure, commaunding them that if she were brought a bed of a daughter,
they should leave her with the woman: & if it were a sonne, they should
forthwith bring it to him, in what place soever he was, and what busines
soever he had in hand. It chaunced that she came even about supper time,
and was delivered of a
<Plut1-110> LYCVRGVS sonne. As he was sitting at the table with
the other magistrates of the cittie, his servants entred the halle, and
presented to him the litle babe, which he tenderly tooke in his armes,
and sayed openly to them that were present: beholde my lordes of SPARTA,
here is a Kinge borne unto us. And speaking these wordes, he layed him
downe in the Kinges place, and named him Charilaus, as muche to saye, as
the joye of the people. {magnanimous+} Thus he sawe all the lookers on
rejoycing muche, & might heare them prayse & extoll his synceritie,
justice+, and vertue. By this meanes he raigned only as King, but eight
moneths. From thenceforth he was taken and esteemed so just and syncere
a man among the cittizens, that there were moe that willingly obeyed him
for his vertue then for that he was the Kings regent, or that he had the
government ofthe whole Realme in his hands. {reciprocity+} Notwithstanding
there were some that bare him displeasure and malice, who sought to hinder
and disgrace his credit, and chiefly the friends and kinred of the Kings
mother: whose power and honour were thought much impayred by Lycurgus authoritie.
In so much, as a brother of hers called Leonidas, entring boldly into great
words with him on a daye, dyd not sticke to say to his face. I knowe for
a certaintie one of these dayes thou wilt be King: meaning thereby to bring
him in suspicion with the cittizens. Which thing though Lyrurgus never
ment, yet of a subtill and craftie wit Leonidas thought by geving out such
words, that if the young King happened to dye in his minoritie naturally,
it would be mistrusted that Lycurgus had secretly made him awaye. The Kings
mother also gave out such like speaches, which in the end dyd so trouble
him, with the feare he had, what event might fall out thereof: that he
determined to departe his countrie, & by his absence to avoyde the
suspition that therein might growe upon him any waye. So he travelled abroade
in the worlde as
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-111> a straunger, untill his nephew had begotten
a sonne who was to succeede him in him in his kingdome. He having with
this determination taken his jorney went first of all into CRETA, where
he diligently observed and considered their manner of their living, the
order of the government of their Common weale, and ever kept company with
the best, & ever was conferring with the most learned. There he founde
very good lawes in his judgement, which he noted of purpose to carie home
to his countrie, to serve when time should come. He founde there other
lawes also, but of them he made no reckoning. Nowe there was one man that
above the rest was reputed wise and skilfull in matters of state &
government, who was called Thales: with whom dyd so much by intreatie,
and for familier friendshippe, that he persuaded him to goe with him unto
Sparta. This Thales was called the Poet Harper, whereupon he had that title
and name: but in effect he sange all that the best and sufficientest governours
of the worlde could devise. For all his songes were goodly ditties, wherein
he dyd exhorte and persuade the people to live under obedience of the law,
in peace & concorde one with the other. His words were set out with
such tunes, countenance, & accents, that were so full of swetenes,
harmony, & pearsing: that inwardly it melted mens heartes, and drue
the hearers of a love to like the most honest things, and to leave all
hatred, enmitie, sedition, & division, which at that time reigned sore
among them. So as it maye be sayed he it was that prepared the waye for
Lycurgus, whereby he afterwards reformed & brought the LACEDAEMONIANS
unto reason. At his departing out of CRETA, he went into ASIA, with intent
(as it is sayed) to compare the manner of life and pollicie of those of
CRETA (being then very straight and severe) with the superfluities &
vanities of IONIA: and thereupon to consider the difference betwene their
two manners & go-
<Plut1-112> LYCVRGVS verntnents, as the physitian doth, who to knowe
the hole and healthful the better, doth use to compare them with the sicke
and diseased. It is very likely it was there, where he first sawe Homers
works, in the hands of the heires & successours of Cleo phylus: and
finding in the same, aswer many rules of policie, as the great pleasure
of Poets faining, he diligently coppied it out, & made a volume thereof
to carie into GRECE. It is true there was much fame abroad of Homers poesies
among the GRECIANS, howbeit there were fewe of them brought together, but
were scattered here and there in divers mens hands, in pampflets and peces
unsowed and without any order: but the first that brought them most to
light among men, was Lycurgus. The AEGYPTIANS saye that he was in their
countrie also, and that having founde there one notable ordinaunce among
other, that their souldiers & men of warre were separated from the
rest of the people, he brought the practise of it into SPARTA: where setting
the marchants+, artificers, & labourers every one a parte by them selves,
he did establish a noble Common wealth. So the AEYPTIAN historiographers,
and some others also of GRECE doe write. He was also in AFRICKE, and in
SPAYNE, & as farre as INDIA, to conferre with the wise men there that
were called the philosophers_of_INDIA+. I knowe no man that hathe written
it, saving Aristocrates, that was Hipparchus sonne. The LACEDAEMONIANS
wished for him often when he was gone, and sent divers and many a time
to call him home: who thought their Kings had but the honour and title
of Kings, and not the vertue or majestie of a prince, whereby they dyd
excell the common people. But as for Lycurgus, they thought of him thus:
that he was a man borne to rule, to commaund, and to geve order, as having
in him a certaine naturall grace and power, to drawe men willingly to obeye
him. Moreover the Kings them selves were not unwilling to have
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-113> him to returne home, bicause they hoped that
his presence would somwhat brydle, and restrayne the people from their
insolencie and disobedience towards them. Whereupon Lycurgus returning
home in this opinion and affecton of men, it fell out that he was no sooner
arrived, but he beganne to devise howe to alter the whole government of
the commonweale, and throughout to chaunge the whole course and order of
the state: thincking that to make only certaine particular lawes were to
no purpose, but much like, as one should geve some easie medicine, to purge
an overthrowen bodye with all humours and diseases. Therefore he thought
first that all grosse and superfluous humours, were meete to be dissolved
and purged, and then afterwardes to geve them a new forme and order of
government. When he had thus determined with him self, before he would
take in hand to doe any thing, he went to the citty of DELPHES: where after
he had sacrificed to Apollo, he consulted with him about his matters. From
whom he returned with this glorious title by the oracle of Pythia: O beloved
of the goddes, and rather god then man. Where when he craved grace of Apollo
to establishe good lawes in his countrie, it was aunswered him: that Apollo
graunted his petition, and that he should ordaine the hest and perfectest
manner of a Common wealth, that ever had or should be in the worlde. This
aunswer dyd comforte him very much, and so he beganne to breake his purpose
to certen of the chief of the cittle, and secretly to praye and exhorte
them to helpe him, going first to those he knew to be his friends, and
after by litle and litle he wanne others to him, who joyned with him in
his enterprise. So when he saw the time fit for the matter, he caused thirtie
of the chiefest men of the cittie in a morning to come into the market
place well appointed and furnished, to suppresse those that would attempt
to hinder their purpose. Hermippus
<Plut1-114> LYCVRGVS the historiographer rehearseth twentie of the
chiefest: but he that above all others dyd most assist him in his doings,
and was the greatest ayde unto the stablishing of his lawes, was called
Arithmiadas. The king Charilaus hearing of this assembly, dyd feare there
had bene some conspiracie or insurrection against his person, and for his
safety he fled into the temple of Juno, called Chalceacos, as much to saye,
as Junos brasen Temple. Howbeit afterwards when he knew the trothe, he
waxed bolde, and came out of the temple againe, and he him self favored
the enterprise, being a prince of a noble minde, howbeit very soft by nature,
as witnesseth Archelaus (that was then the other king of LACEDAEMON) by
telling how Charilaus aunswered one that praised him to his face, in saying
he was a good man. And how should I not (quoth he) be good, when I cannot
be evill to the evill? {bleeding_heart+} In this chaunge of the state,
many things were altered by Lycurgus, but his chiefest alteration was,
his lawe of the erection of a Senate, which he made to have a regall power
and equall authoritie with the Kings in matters of weight and importance,
and was (as Plato sayeth) to be the healthful counterpease of the whole
bodye of the Common weale. The other state before was ever wavering, somtime
inclining to tyrannie, when the Kings were to mightie: and somtime to confusion,
when the people would usurpe authoritie. Lycurgus therfore placed betwene
the Kings & the people, a counsaill of Senatours, which was as a stronge
beame, that helde bothe these extreames in an even ballance, and gave sure
footing and ground to either parte, to make strong the state of the comonweale.
For the eight & twenty Senatours (which made the whole bodye of the
Senate) tooke somtime the Kings parte, when it was nedefull to pull downe
the furie of the people: {mob+} and contrarilie, they held sometimes with
the people against the Kings, to bridle their tyran-
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-115> nicall government. Aristotle sayeth, he ordeined
the number of Senatours to be but eight and twenty, bicause two of thirtie
that joyned with him as a fore, dyd for feare forsake him at this enterprise.
Howbeit Spharus writeth, that from the beginning, he never purposed to
have more then eight and twenty to be the Senate. And perhappes he had
great regard to make it a perfect number considering it is compounded of
the number of seven, multiplied by foure: and is the first perfect number
next to six, being equall to all partes gathered together. But as for me,
my opinion is, he chose this number rather then any other, bicause he ment
the whole bodye of the counsaill should be but thirtie persones, adding
to that number, the two Kinges. Lycurgus tooke so great care to establishe
well this counsell, that he brought an oracle for it, from Abolloes temple
in DELPHES. This oracle is called unto this daye Retra, as who would saye,
the statute oracle: whereof the aunswer was. When thou hast built a temple
unto Jupiter the Syllanian, and to Minerva the Syllanian, and devided the
people into lineages, thou shalt stablishe a Senate of thirtie counsellers,
with the two Kings: & shalt assemble the people at times convenient,
in the place betweene the bridge and the river Cnacion. There the Senatours
shall propound all matters, and breake up after their assemblies: and it
shall not be lawfull for the people to speake one worde. In those dayes
the people were ever assembled betweene two rivers, for there was no hall
to assemble a counsaill -at large, nor any other place prepared for them.
For Lycurgus thought no builded place meete for men to geve good counsaill
in, or to determine causes, but rather a hinderanced bicause in such places
men be drawen to muse on vaine things, and their mindes be caried awaye
with beholding the images, tables, & pictures, comonly set up for ornament
in such open places. And if it be in a Theater, then beholding
<Plut1-116> LYCVRGVS he place where the playes and sportes be made,
they thincke more of them, then any counsaill. Againe, if it be in a great
hall, then of the fayer embowed or vawted roofes, or of the fretised seelings
curiously wrought, and sumptuously set forth, and tend not still their
busines they come for. When the people were assembled in counsaill, it
was not lawfull for any of them to put forth matters to the counsell to
be determined, neither might any of them deliver his opinion what he thought
of any thinge: but the people had onely authoritie to geve their assent
(if they thought good) to the things propounded by the Senatours, or the
two Kings. Howbeit afterwardes, the two Kings Polydorus and Theopompus,
bicause the people dyd many times crosse and alter the determination of
the Senate, by taking away or adding some thing to it, they dyd adde these
wordes to the oracle aforesaid. That if the people would not assent to
any ordinaunce of the Senate, then should it be lawfull for the Kings &
Senate to breake up the counsell, and to frustrate all things done in the
same: the wise advise of the Senate being encountered thus, and their meaning
to the best, so perverted to the worse. These two Kings persuaded the people,
that at the very first, this addition came with the oracle of Apollo: as
the poet Tyrtaeus maketh mention in the place, where he sayeth: From Delphos
Ile, this oracle is brought of Pythia: into their countrye soyle. The Kings
(even they to whom of right there ought a loving care in princely breasts
to boyle, the Spartane wealthe, to garde from every spoyle:) Shalbe the
chief, grave causes to decyde with Senatours: whose sounde advise is tride.
And next to them, the people shall fulfill as muche as seemes, to please
their princes will.
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-117> Lyurgus now having thus tempered the forme
of his comon weale, it seemed notwithstanding to those that came after
him, that this small number of thirtie persones that made the Senate, was
yet to mightie, and of to great authoritie. Wherefore to bridle them in
a litle, they gave them (as Plato sayeth) a bytte in their mouths, &
that was the authoritie of the Ephores, which signifie as much as comptrollers:
& were elected about a hundred & thirtie yeres after the death
of Lycurgus. The first which was chosen of these, was Elatus, and it was
in the time of king Theopompus, whose wife on a daye in her anger sayed:
howe throughe his negligence he would leave lesse to his successours, then
he had receyved of his predecessours. To whom he aunswered againe, not
lesse but more, for that it shall continue lenger, & with a more suertie.
For, in losing thus their too absolute power, that wrought them great envie
and hatred among their cittizens, they dyd escape the daunger and mischief
that their neighbours the ARGIVES, and MESSENIANS dyd feele: who would
not geve over the soveraine authoritie which they had gotten once. {give+}
This example maketh Lycurgus great wisdome and foresight manifestly knowen:
who so will deeply consider the seditions and ill governements of the ARGIVES,
and MFSSENIANS (their neere neighbours and kinsemen) aswer from the people,
as from the Kings. Who from the beginning had all things alike to the SPARTANS:
and in deviding of their lands a farre better order then theirs. This notwithstanding,
they dyd not prosper longe: but through the pryde of their Kings, and the
disobedience of their people, they entred into civill warres one against
another, shewing by their disorders and misfortunes the speciall grace
the godds dyd beare to SPARTA, to geve them such a reformer, as dyd so
wisely temper the state of their common weale, as we will shewe hereafter.
{mob+} The second lawe that Lycurgus made, and the
<Plut1-118> LYCVRGVS boldest and hardest he ever tooke in hande,
was the making of a newe division of their lands. For he sawe so great
a disorder and unequality among the inhabitants, aswell of the countrie,
as of the citie LACEDAEMON, by reason some (and the greatest number of
them) were so poore, that they had not a handfull of grounde, and other
some being least in number were very riche, that had all: he thought with
him self to banishe out of the cittie all insolencie, envie, covetousness
and deliciousness and also all riches and povertie, which he tooke the
greatest, and the most continuall plagues of a cittie, or commonweale.
{land_reform+} For this purpose, he imagined there was none so ready &
necessarie a meane, as to persuade his cittizens to suffer all the landes,
possessions, and inheritance of their countries to ronne in common together:
and that they should make a newe division equally in partition amongest
them selves, to live from thencefotth as it were like brothers together,
so that no one were richer then another, & none should seeke to go
before eache other, any other waye then in vertue only: thincking there
should be no difference or unequalitie among inhabitants of one cittie,
but the reproaches of dishonestie, and the prayses of vertue. Thus Lycurgus
following his determination, dyd out of hande make a lawe of the division
of their lands. For first he dyd devide all the countrie of LACONIA, into
thirtie thousand equall partes, the which he dyd set out for those that
inhabited about SPARTA and of those landes that joyned next to the cittie
of SPARTA, that was the chief metropolitan cittie of LACONIA, he made other
nine thousand partes, which he devided to the naturall cittizens of SPARTA,
who be those that are properly called Spartans. Howbeit some will saye,
he made but sixe thousand parts, and that king Polydorus afterwards dyd
adde to other three thousand partes. Other saye also, that Lycurgus of
these nine thousand par-
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-119> tes made but the halfe onely, & Polydorm
the rest. Every one of these partes was such, as might yelde unto the owner
yerely, three score and tenne bushels of barley for a man, and twelve bushels
for the woman, and of wine and other liquide fruites, much like in proportion:
which quantitie Lycurgus judged to be sufficient, to kepe the bodye of
a man in health, and to make him stronge and lustie, without any further
allowance. They saye after this, as he returned home one day out of the
fields, and came over the lands where wheate had bene reaped not longe
before, and sawe the number of sheaves lying in every shocke together,
and no one shocke bigger then another: he fell a laughing, and told them
that were with him, me thinks all LACONIA is as it were an inheritance
of many brethern, who had newly made partition together. He gave an attempt
to have devided also moveables, & to have made a common partition betwene
them, to thend he would have utterly taken away all unequalitie. But finding
the cittizens tooke it very impatiently, that openly that which they had,
should be taken awaye: he went about to doe it more secretly, and in a
conninger wise to take away that covetousness. For first of all, he dyd
forbid all coyne of golde and sylver to be currant: and then he dyd set
out certaine coynes of iron which he commaunded only to be currant, whereof
a great weight and quantitie was but litle worthe. So as to laye up therof
the value of tenne Minas, it would have occupied a whole celler in a house,
besides it would have neded a yoke of oxen to carie it any where. Nowe
golde and silver being thus banished out of the countries many lewde partes
& faultes must needes cease thereby. For who would robbe, steale, picke,
take awaye, hyde, procure, or whorde up any thing, that he had no great
occasion to desire, nor any profit to possesse, nor would be any pleasure
to use or employe. For, the iron they occupied for their coyne,
<Plut1-120> LYCVRGVS they cast vineger upon it while it was redde
hotte out of the fire, to kill the strength and working of it to any other
use: for thereby it was so eger and brickle, that it would byde no hammer,
nor could be made, beaten, or forged to any other facion. By this meanes
he banished also, all superfluous and unprofitable sciences, which he knew
he should not neede to doe by any proclamation: bicause they would fall
awaye (or the most parte of them) even of them selves, when the basenes
of the money they should take for their worke, should undoe them. For their
iron moneys were not currant els where in the citties of GRECE, but every
bodye made a jeste of it there. By this occasion, the LACEDAEMONIANS could
buye no forrein wares nor marchandises, neither came there any shippe into
their haven to trafficke with them, {trade+} neither any fine curious Rethorician
dyd repaire into their countrie to teache them eloquence, and the cunning
cast of lying: nor yet came there to them any wysard to tell them their
fortune, nor any Pander to keepe any brothell house, nor yet goldssmithe
or jueller, to make or sell any toyes or trifles of golde or silver to
set forth women: considering all thess things are used to be made to get
money, & to hourd up that they had not. After this sorte, delicatenes
that wanted many things that entertained it, beganne by litle and litle
to vanishe awaye, and lastely, to fall of from them selves: when the most
riche men had no more occasion then the poorest, and riches having no meane
to shewe her selfe openly in the worlde, was fayne to remaine shut at home
idely, as not able to doe her master any service. Thereupon moveables &
householde stuffe (which a man cannot be without, and must be daylie occupied)
as bedsteades, tables, chayers, and suche like necessaries for house, were
excellently well made: and men dyd greatly prayse the facion of the LACONIAN
cuppe which they called Cothon, and specially for a souldier in
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-121> the warres, as Critias was wont to saye. For
it was made after such a facion, that the culler of it dyd let the eye
to discerne the fowle and unwholsome water, which men are driven oftetimes
to drinke in a campe, & goeth many times against ones stomake to see
it: and if by chaunce there was any filth or mudde in the bottome, it would
cleave and sticke fast upon the ribbes of the bellie, and nothing came
through the necke, but cleane water to his mouth that drancke it. The reformer
of their state was the cause of all this: bicause their artificers tending
now no superfluous works, were occupied about the making of their most
necessary things. Further, nowe to drive awaye all superfluitie and deliciousness
and to roote out utterly desire to get and gather: he made another thirde
lawe for eating and drincking, and against feastes and banckets. First
he willed and commaunded the cittizens, that they should eate together
all of one meate, and chiefly of those he had permitted by his ordinance.
Then he dyd expressely forbid them to eate alone, or a parte, or secretly
by them selves, upon riche tables and sumptuous beddes, abusing the labour
of excellent worcke men, & the devises of likerous cookes to cramme
them selves in corners, as they doe fatte up beastes & poultrie, which
doth not only breede ill conditions in the minde, but dothe marre the complexions
of men, and the good states of their bodie, when they give them selves
over to such sensualitie and gluttonie. Whereof it followeth in the ende
that men must needes sleepe muche, to helpe to disgest the excesse of meates
they have taken, and then must they goe to the whotte houses to bathe them
selves, and spend long time about the ordinarie attendance of their sickely
bodies. This was a marveilous thing for him to bring to passe, but much
more, to make riches not to be stolen, and least of all to be coveted,
as Theophrastus sayd of him: which by this meanes of making them eate to-
<Plut1-122> LYCVRGVS gether with all sobriety at their ordinarie
dyet was brought to passe. For there was no more meane to the riche, then
to the poore, to use to playe, or shewe riches, sithe both of them were
forced to be together in one place, and to eate all of one meate: so as
that which is commonly spoken, that Pluto the god of riches is blinde,
was truely verified only in the cittie of SPARTA, above all other places
of the worlde. For there riches was layed on the grounde like a corse without
a soule, that moveth no whit at all: considering it was not lawfull for
any man to eate at home secretly in his house, before he came to their
open halles, nor might not come thither for a countenance only to his meales
being already fedde and full fraight. For every mans eye was upon those
specially which did not eate & drincke with a good stomake amongest
them: and it was the use to reproche them as gluttons, & dayntie mouthed
men, which refused to eate as it were in common together. So as this was
the ordinance they saye, that grieved most the riche above all that Lycurgus
made, and whereat they were most madde and angrie with him: in so muche,
as on a daye, they all setting upon him to alter it, he was compelled to
ronne out of the market place, and getting grounde of them, he recovered
the liberties of a churche, before any could overtake him: saving one young
man called Alcander, who otherwise had no ill nature in him, but that he
was somewhat quicke of his hande, and cholericke with all. Who following
Lycurgus nerer then any other, dyd geve him a blowe overthwart the face
with a staffe, and strake out one of his eyes, as Lycurgus turned toward
him. Yet for all this, Lycurgus never bashed or made worde at the matter,
but dyd lifte up his head to those that followed him, and shewed them his
face all a gore bloude, and his eye put out cleane: whereof they were all
so sore ashamed, that there was not a man that durst once open his mouth
against him, but to
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-123> the contraries they seemed to pittie him, and
dyd deliver Alcander into his handes {Antonio+} that had done the dede,
to punishe him as him selfe pleased. And so they all brought him to his
house, & shewed they were right hartely sorie for his hurte. Lycurgus
thancking them, returned them all backe againe, save that he made Alcander
to goe with him into his house, where he never hurte him, nor gave him
fowle worde: {clemency+} but commaunded him onely to waite upon him, and
made his other ordinarie servaunts to withdraw their waiting. This young
man who now beganne to spye his owne faulte, dyd most willingly attend
upon him, & never spake worde to the contrarie. When he had served
him a certaine time, being very nere continually about him, he beganne
to feele and taste of his naturall liberalitie, and sawe of what affection
and intention Lycurgus was moved to doe all he dyd: he perceyved what was
the severitie of his ordinary life, and what his constancy+ was to endure
labour without weariness Alcander then beganne to love and honour Lycurgus
from his harte, and tolde his parents and friends, howe he was no suche
severe man as he seemed, but was of so kynde and gentle a nature to all
men as might be. See I praye you howe Alcander was transformed by Lycurgus,
and his punishement also, which he should have receyved: for of a fierce,
rashe, and a lewde conditioned youth he was before, he became nowe a very
grave and wise man. But for memorie of this his misfortune, Lycurgus built
a temple to Minerva, which he surnamed Optiletide, bicause the DORIANS
which dwell in those partes of PELOPONNESUS, doe call the eyes, optiles.
There are other writers (as Dioscorides for one) which saye Lycurgus had
a blowe with a staffe, but he had not his eye striken out with it: and
how contrariwise, he founded this temple to Minerva, to give her thanckes
for healing of his eye. Hereof it came, that ever since the SPARTANs have
bene restray-
<Plut1-124> LYCVRGVS ned to carie staves in any assembly of counsell.
But to returne to their common repastes, which the CRETANS called Andria,
& the LACEDAEMONIANS Phiditia, either bicause they were places wherein
they learned to live soberly and straighdy (for in the GREKE tongue Phido,
is to save and spare) or els bicause their amitie & friendshippe grewe
there towards one another, as if they would have called them Philitia,
feasts of love, by chaunging d. into L: It maye be also they added the
first letter as superfluous, and ment to call the places Editia, bicause
they dyd eate and drincke there. They sat in their halles by fifteene in
a companie, litle more or lesse, and at the beginning of every moneth every
one brought a bushell of meale, eight gallons of wine, five pound of cheese,
and two pound and a halfe of figges for a man, besides some litle portion
of their monye to buye certaine freshe acates. And over and above all this,
every man when he dyd sacrifice in his house, was bounde to send the best
and chiefest things of his sacrifice to the halles to be eaten. Likewise
if any man went an hunting, & killed any venison: it was an order,
he should send a pece of the fleshe thither. {hunter_gather+} Having these
two lavfull causes, they might eate and drinke by them selves at home,
either when they sacrificed any beast to the goddes, or when they came
late home from hunting: otherwise they were bounde of necessitie to meete
in their halles at meales, if they would eate any thing. This order they
kept very straightly a great time: in so muche as king Agis on a daye,
returning from the warres, where he had overthrowen the ATHENIANS, and
being desirous to suppe at home privately with the Queene his wife, he
sent to the halles for his portion. But the Polemarchi, that be certaine
officers assisting the Kings in warres, dyd denye him. The next daye Agis
left for spight, to doe the accustomed sacrifice they were won to celebrate
in the ende of every
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-125> warre: whereupon they set a fine on his head,
and condemned him to paye it. The young children also went to these repasts,
even as they should goe to schooles to learn gravity & temperaunce,
where they heard wise and grave discourses touching the government of a
common weale, but not of masters that were as hierlinges. There they learned
pretylie to playe upon wordes, and pleasauntly to sporte one with another,
without any broade speaches, or uncomely jestes, and at others handes to
beare the same againe, without choller or anger. {cheer+} For this propertie
have the LACEDAEMONIANS above all other, to take and geve a mocke without
any offence: nevertheless if any mans nature could not beare it, he neded
but praye the partie to forbeare his jesting, and so he lefte it straight.
And it was ever an ordinarie among them, that the eldest of the companie
tolde the rest that were come into the hall to meale, with shewing them
of the dore: Sirs, remember, there goeth not a worde here out of this dore.
Even so he that would be receyved to meale there in their companie, must
first of necessitie be allowed and receyved in this sorte, by all the rest.
Every one of them tooke a litle balle of branne or dowe to washe their
handes with, and without ever a word speaking, they threwe it into a basen,
which the servant that waited on them at the table dyd carie upon his head:
he that was contented the other should be receyved in companie, dyd cast
in his balle as he dyd receyve it, but if he misliked him, then he pressed
it flat betwene his fingers, and threwe it in. This ball of branne thus
pressed flat, was asmuch as a beane bored thorough, and was to them a signe
of condemnation. If any one balle were found of this sorte, the suter was
rejected: for they would not have any enter into their companies that was
not liked of all the rest. He that thus was rejected, they saye he was
discadded: for the basin wherein the litle balles were caried, was called
Caddos.
<Plut1-126> LYCVRGVS The best dishe they served at these meales,
was that they call their blacke brothe: so that when they had that, the
olde men dyd eate no fleshe, but lefte it all to the younge men, and they
by them selves dyd eate the brothe. There was a king of PONTVS, that being
desirous to taste of this blacke broth, dyd buye of purpose a LACEDEMONIAN
cooke: but after he had once tasted thereof, he was very angry straight.
The cooke then sayed unto him: and it please your grace, ere one shall
finde this brothe good, he must be washed first in the river of Eurotas.
After they had eate and druncke thus soberly together, every one repaired
home without any light: for it was not lawful for them to goe thither,
nor any where els with light, bicause they should accustome them selves
boldely to goe up and downe the darcke, and all about in the night. This
was the order and manner of their meales. But here is specially to be noted,
that Lycurgus would in no wise have any of his lawes put in writing. For
it is expressely set downe in his lawes they call Retra, that none of his
lawes should be written. {PlainDealer+} For he thought that which should
chiefly make a cittie happie, and vertuous, ought throughly by education
to be printed in mens heartes and manners, as to have continuaunce for
ever: which he tooke to be love and good will, as a farre stronger knot
to tye men with, then any other compulsary lawe. Which when men by use
and custome through good education doe take in their childhoode, it maketh
every man to be a lawe to him selfe. Furthermore, concerning buying and
barganing one with another, which are but trifles, and sometime are chaunged
in one sorte, & sometime in another, as occasion serveth: he thought
it best not to constrayne them to doe it by writing, nor to establishe
customes that might not be altered, but rather to leave them to the libertie
and discretion of men which had bene brought up in the same, bothe to take
awaye,
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-127> and to adde therein, as the case and time should
require. But to conclude, he thought the chiefest pointe of a good lawe
maker or reformer of the common weale was, to cause men to be well brought
up and instructed. One of his ordinaunces therefore was expressely, that
not one of his lawes should be written. Another of his devises was, against
superfluous charges and expences: which to avoyde, he made a lawe that
all roofes of houses should be made only with the axe, and all gates and
doores with the sawe, & that without any other toole of occupation.
Wherein he had the like imagination as afterwards Epaminondas had, when
he sayed, speaking of his table: Such a borde never receyveth any treason.
Even so thought Lycurgus, that such a buylt house would never receyve curiositie+
or daintiness For no man is so maddely disposed or simple witted, as to
bring into so poore and meane houses, bedsteades with silver feete, imbrodered
coverlettes, or counterpoyntes of purple silke, neither yet plate of golde
nor of silver, nor suche other like costly furniture and finenes, as those
things require to wayte upon them: bicause the beddes must be aunswerable
to the meanenes of the house, the furnitures of the beddes must be sutelike
to the same, and all other householde stuffe, dyet, meate, & drincke
agreable to the rest. Hereof proceeded that, which Leontychidas the first
King of that name, sayed once: who supping on a time in the cittie of CORINTHE,
and seeing the roofe of the hall where he satte sumptuously embowed and
carved, he asked straight if the trees dyd growe carved so in that countrie.
The third lawe was, he dyd forbyd them to make warre often with one enemie,
lest the enemie forced to take often armes in hande, might in the ende
growe experter and vallianter then they. For this cause king Agesilaus
was greatly blamed, who was a longe time after. For by making often warres
with the countrie of BOEOTIA, he
<Plut1-128> LYCVRGVS made the THEBANS in the ende as expert and
Valliant souldiers, as the LACEDAEMONIANS. Whereupon Antalcidas seeing
him hurte one daye, sayed unto him: The THEBANS have nobely rewarded thee
for their learning, sith thou hast made them expert soldiers unwilling
to learne the discipline of warre. These be the lawes Lycurgus selfe called
Retra, and signifie as muche as Oracles, that the god Apollo had discovered
to him. Nowe the education of children, he esteemed the chiefest &
greatest matter, that a reformer of lawes should establishe. Therefore
beginning a farre of, he first considered the state of mariage, & the
generation of children. For Arisotle sayeth, that Lycurgus dyd attempt
to reforme women, and dyd soone geve it over againe: bicause he could doe
no good therein, by reason of the great libertie they had taken by the
absence of their husbands in the warres, compelled often so to be abroade,
& that they dyd leave them mistresses of their house, and at their
returne dyd honour them so muche, and make of them so beyonde measure,
with calling them ladyes and mistresses. Howbeit this is true, that he
had an eye to the rule and order of their life, aswell as he had of mens:
and so reason dyd require. First of all, he willed that the maydens should
harden their bodyes with exercise of running, wresthng, throwe the barre,
and casting the darte, to the ende that the fruite wherewith they might
be afterwardes conceyved, taking norishement of a stronge and lustie bodye,
should shoote out and spread the better: and that they by gathering strength
thus by exercises, should more easely awaye with the paynes of childe bearing.
{Plato+} And to take awaye from them their womanishe dayntines, and fines,
he brought up a custome, for young maydes and boyes to goe as it were a
precession, and to daunce naked at solemne feastes & sacrifices, and
to singe certaine songes of their owne making, in the presence and sight
of young
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-129> men. To whom by the waye they gave many times
prety mockes of purpose, as pleasauntly hitting them home, for things wherein
before they had forgotten their dueties: and sometimes also in their songe
for their vertues, wittes, or manners, they praysed them which had deserved
it. By this meanes, they dyd set young mens hartes a fire, to strive to
winne most prayse and honour. For who so was praysed of them for a Valliant
man, or whose worthy actes were songe by them, he thereby was incoraged
to doe the better another time: & the pretie girles and quippes they
gave to others, was of no lesse force, then the sharpest wordes and admonitions
that otherwise could be geven them. This tooke place the rather, bicause
it was done in the presence of the Kings, the Senatours, & all the
rest of the cittizens which came thither to see these sportes. And though
the maydes dyd shewe them selves thus naked openly, yet was there no dishonesty
seene nor offred, but all this sporte was full of playe and toyes, without
any youthfuh parte or wantonnes: and rather caried a shewe of demureness
and a desire to have their best made bodyes seene and spyed. Moreover,
it somewhat lifted up their hartes, and made them noblier minded, by geving
them to understand, that it was no lesse comely for them, in their kynde
and exercises to carie the bell, then it was for men in their games and
exercises to carie the price. Hereof it came, that the women of LACEDAEMON
were so bolde to saye, & thincke of them selves that, which Gorgona
the wife of king Leonidas one daye aunswered: being in talke with a straunge
woman that sayed to her. There be no women in the worlde that commaund
their husbands, but you wives of LACEDAEMON. Whereto the Queene straight
replyed: so be there no women but we, which bringe forth men. Furthermore,
these playes, sportes, & daunses, the maydes dyd naked before younge
men, were provocations to
<Plut1-130> LYCVRGVS drawe & allure the young men to marye:
not as persuaded by geometricall reasons, as sayeth Plato, but brought
to it by very liking, and of very love. Those which would not mary he made
infamous by lawe. For it was not lawfull for such to be present, where
these open games and pastimes were shewed naked. Furthermore, the officers
of the cittie compelled suche as would not marye, even in the hardest time
of the winter, to environne the place of these sportes, and to goe up and
downe starcke naked, and to singe a certaine songe made for the purpose
against them, which was: that iustely were they punished, bicause that
lawe they disobeyed. Moreover, when suche were olde, they had not the honour
and reverence done them, which old maried men usually received. Therefore
there was no man that misliked, or reproved that, which was spoken to Dercillidas:
albeit otherwise he was a noble captaine. For comming into a presence there
was a young man which would not vowchesafe to rise and doe him reverence,
not to geve him place for to sit downe: and worthely, quoth he, bicause
thou hast not gotten a sonne, who maye doe so muche for me in time to come.
Those which were desirous to marie any, were driven to take them awaye
by force whom they would marie, not litle younge wenches I meane, which
were not of age to be maried: but lustie and strong maides of age to beare
children. And when one of them was stolen awaye in this sorte, she that
was privie thereto, and meane to make the mariage came and shaved the heares
of her head that was maried: then she put her into mans apparell, &
gave her all things sute like to the same, and layed her upon a matteresse
all alone, without light or candell. After this was done, the bridegrooms,
being neither droncke nor finelier apparrelled then he was wonte to be,
but having supped soberly at his ordinarie, came home secretly to the house
where the bride was: & there untied his wives
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-131> girdell, tooke her in his armes, layed her
upon a bed, and talked together a while, and afterwards fayer and softely
stole awaye to the place, where he was wonte to sleep with other young
men. And so from thenceforth, he continued allwayes to doe the like, being
all the daye time, sleeping most of the night, with his companions, onles
he sometime stale to see his wife, being affrayed, and ashamed ever to
be seene, by any of the house where she was. And hereunto his younge wife
did helpe for her parte, to spy meanes and occasions howe they might mete
together, and not be seene. This manner endured a great while, and untill
somme of them had children, before they boldely met together, and sawe
eache other on the daye time. This secret meeting in this sorte did serve
to good pur poses, not only bicause it was some meane of continencie and
shamefastnes, but also it kept their bodies in strength and better state,
to bring forth children. It continued also in both parties, a still burning
love, and a newe desire of the one to the other, not as it were luke warme,
nor wearie, as theirs commonly be which have their bellies full of love,
and as muche as they lust: but they ever parted with an appetite one from
another, keeping all a longing desire to devise howe to mete againe. Nowe
when he had stablished suche a continencie, and so kynde a framed honestie
in mariage, he tooke no lesse care to drive awaye all foolishe jealousie
therein, thinking it very good reason to beware there should be no violence,
nor confusion in mariage: and yet as reason would, they should suffer those
which were worthie to get children as it were in common, {Plato+} laughing
at the mad follie of them which revenge such things with warre and bloudshed,
as though in that case men in no wise should have no fellowshippe together.
Therefore a man was not to be blamed, being stepped in yeres, and having
a young wife, if seeing a fayer young man that liked him, and
<Plut1-132> LYCVRGVS knowen with all to be of a gentle nature, he
brought him to get his wife with childe, and afterwardes would avowe it
for his, as if him selfe had gotten it. It was lawfull also for an honest
man that loved another mans wife, for that he sawe her wise, shamefast,
and bringing forth goodly children, to intreate her husband to suffer him
to lye with her, and that he might also plowe in that lustie grounde, and
cast abroade the seede of well favored children: which by this meanes came
to be common in bloude and parentage, with the most honorable and honestest
persones. For first of all, Lycurgus did not like that children should
be private to any men, but that they should be common to the commonweale:
by which reason he would also, that such as should become cittizens, should
not be begotten of every man, but of the most honestest men only. So Lycurgus
thought also there were many foolishe vaine toyes and fansies, in the lawes
and orders of other nations, touching mariage: seeing they caused their
bitches and mares to be limed and covered with the fayrest dogges and goodliest
stalons that might be gotten, praying or paying the masters and owners
of the same: and kept their wives notwithstanding shut up safe under locke
and key, for feare least other then them selves might get them with childe,
although they were sickely, feeble brayned, and extreme olde. As if it
were not first of all, and chiefly a discommoditie to the fathers and mothers,
and likewise to those that bring them up, to have unperfect and feeble
children borne, as it were begotten of drie and withered men: and then
to the contrarie, what pleasure & benefit is it to those that have
fayer & good children, borne, as gotten of like seede and men. These
things were done then by naturall and civill reason, nevertheles they saye
women were so farre of then from intreatie, as ever they were before: so
as in olde time, in SPARTA, men knew not what adulterie ment. For proofe
whereof,
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-133> the aunswer made by Geradas (one of the first
auncien SPARTANS) unto a straunger, maye be alledged: that asked him, what
punishement they had for adulterers. My friend, quoth he, there be none
here. But if there were? replied the straunger againe. Marye sayed he,
then he must paye as great a bull, as standing upon the toppe of the mountaine
Taygetus, maye drincke in the river of Eurotas. Yea marye: but howe is
it possible (quoth the straunger) to finde such a bull? Geradas laughing,
aunswered him againe. And howe were it possible also to finde an adulterer
in SPARTA? And this is that which is found of Lycugus lawes touching mariages.
Furthermore, after the birthe of every boy, the father was no more master
of him to bring him up after his will: but he him selfe caried him to a
certaine place called Lesche, where the eldest men of his kinred being
set, did viewe the childe. And if they founde him fayer, and well proportioned
of all his limmes, and stronge: they gave order he should be brought up,
and appointed him one of the nine thousand partes of inheritaunce for his
education. Contrariwise, if they founde him deformed, misshapen, or leane,
or pale, they sent him to be throwen in a deepe pyt of water, which they
commonly called Apothetes, and as a man would saye, the common house of
office: holding opinion it was neither good for the childe, nor yet for
the common weale, that it should live considering from his birthe he was
not well made, not geven to be stronge, healthful, nor lustie of bodie
all his life longe. For this cause therefore the nurce after their birthe
did not washe them with water simply (as they doe every where at that time)
but with water mingled with wine: and thereby did they proove, whether
the complexion or temperature of their bodies were good or ill. For they
suppose, that children which are geven to have the falling sickness or
otherwise to be full of rewmes and sick-
<Plut1-134> LYCVRGVS nesses, cannot abide washing with wine, but
rather drye and pyne awaye: as contralilie the other which are healthfull,
become thereby the stronger and the lustier. The nurces also of SPARTA
use a certaine manner to bring up their children, without swadling, or
binding them up in clothes with swadling bandes, or having on their heades
any crosse clothes: so as they made them nimbler of their limmes, better
shaped & goodlier of bodie. Besides that, they acquainted their children
to all kinde of meates, and brought them up without muche tendaunce, so
as they were neither fine nor licorous, nor fearefull to be lefte alone
in the darcke, neither were they criers, wrallers, or unhappy children,
which be all tokens of base and cowardly natures. {Eton+} So that there
were straungers, that of purpose bought nources out of LACONIA, to bring
up their children: as they saye Amycla was one of them, which nourced Alcibiades.
But Pericles his tutor, gave him afterwardes a bonde man called Zopyrus,
to be his master and governour: who had no better propertie in him, then
other common slaves. This did not Lycurgus. For he did not put the education
and government of the children of SPARTA, into the handes of hyered masters
or slaves bought with money: neither was it lawful for the father him selfe
to bring up his owne childe after his owne manner and liking. For so soone
as they came to seven yeres of age, he tooke and divided them by companies,
to make them to be brought up together, and to accustome them to playe,
to learne, and to studie one with another. {Eton+} Then he chose out of
every company one, whom he thought to have the best wit, and had most courage
in him to fight: to whom he gave the charge and oversight of his owne companies.
The reste had their eyes waiting allwayes on him, they did obey his commaundementes
willingly, they did abide paciently all corrections he gave them, they
did suche taskes and worckes as he
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-135> appointed them: so that all their studie was
most to learn to obey. Furthermore, the olde grave headed men were present
many times to see them playe, and for the most parte they gave them occasions
to fall out, and to fight one with another, that they might thereby the
better knowe and discerne the naturall disposition of every on of them,
and whether they gave any signes or tokens in time to come to become cowardes
or valliant men. Touching learning, they had as muche as served their turne:
the reste of their time they spent in learning howe to obey, to awaye with
payne, to indure labour, to overcom still in fight. {fortitude+} According
to their groweth and yeres, they dyd chaunge the exercises oftheir bodyes:
they dyd shave their heads, they went barelegged, they were constrained
to playe naked together the most parte of their time. After they were past
twelve yeres of age, they ware no lenger coates: and they gave them yerely
but one seely gowne. This was the cause they were alwayes so nasty and
sluttishe, and they never used to bathe or noynte them selves, saving only
at certaine dayes in the yere, when they were suffered to tast of this
refreshing. They laye and slept together upon beddes of straw, which they
them selves dyd make, of the toppes of reedes or canes that grewe in the
river of Eurotas: which they were forced to goe gather & breake them
selves with their handes, without any toole or iron at all. In the winter,
they dyd mingle thistle downe with these, which is called Lycophonas, bicause
that stuffe seemeth somewhat warme of it selfe. About this time, the favorers
and likers of this prety youthe, which were commonly the lustiest and best
posed youthes of the cittie, beganne to be ofter in their companie: and
then the olde men tooke the better regarde unto them, and frequented more
commonly the places of their daylie exercises, and where their use was
to fight together, helping them when they played, how
<Plut1-136> LYCVRGVS one should mocke another. This dyd their olde
men, not by waye of pastime only, but with suche care and harty love towards
them, as if they had bene altogether their fathers, safters, and governours,
while they were boyes: in so much as there was never time nor place, where
they had not alwayes some to admonishe, reprove, or correct them, if they
dyd a faulte. Notwithstanding all this, there was ever one of the honestest
men of the cittie, who had expressely the charge and governaunce of these
boyes. He dyd divide them in companies, and afterwards gave the oversight
of them, to suche a one of the boyes as was discreetest, the manliest,
the most hardie, and of the best corage amongest them. They called the
children that were past infancie two yeres, Irenes: and the greatest boyes
Melirenes: as who would saye, ready to goe out of boyerie. This boye who
was made overseer of them, was commonly twenty yeres of age. He was their
captaine when they fought, and did commaunde them as his servaunts when
they were in the house: and willed them which were strongest, and the most
growen, to carie wodde when they should prepare dinner or supper, and those
which were least and weakest, to goe gather erbes, which they must steale
or lacke them. So they went out to steale some in gardens, some at the
markets, other in the halles where the feastes were kept, and men did eate
together, into the which they conveyed them selves as closely and cunningly
as they could devise: for if they were taken with the manner, they were
scourged terriblie, bicause they were so grosse and negligent, and not
fine and cunning in their facultie. They stole also all other kinde of
meate, whatsoever they could get or laye hands on. They pried and sought
all occasions howe to take and steale meate handsomely, bothe when men
were a sleepe, or els that they were careless or did not geve good hede
unto them. But he that was taken with the
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-137> manner, had his payment roundely, and was punished
with fasting besides: for they had but a slender pittaunce, bicause necessity
should drive them to venter boldely, and wit should finde out all the devises
to steale finely. This was the chiefest cause, why they gave them so small
a diet. The seconde cause was, that their bodies might growe up higher
in height. For the vitall spirites not being occupied to concoct and digest
much meate, nor yet kept downe, or spread abroade by the quantitie or overburden
thereof, doe enlarge them selves into lengthe, and shoote up for their
lightnes: and for this reason they thought the bodie did growe in height
and lengthe, having nothing to let, or hinder the rising of the same. It
seemeth, that the same selfe cause made them fayerer also. For the bodies
that are leane and slender, doe better & more easely yeld to nature,
which bringeth a better proportion and forme to every member: and contrariwise
it seemeth these grosse, corpulent, and overfedde bodies doe encounter
nature, and be not so nimble and pliant to her, by reason of their heavy
substaunce. As we see it by experience, the children which women bring
a litle before their time, and be somwhat cast before they should have
bene borne, be smaller and fayerer also, and more pure commonly then other
that goe their time: bicause the matter whereof the bodie is formed, being
more supple and pliant, is the easelier welded by nature, which geveth
them their shape and forme. Touching the naturall cause of this effect,
let us geve place to other to dispute it that will, without our further
deciding of the same. But to returne to the matter of the LACEDAEMONIANS
children. They dyd robbe with so great care, and feare to be discovered:
that they tell of one, which having stolen a litle foxe, dyd hyde him under
his cloke, and suffered him with his teethe and clawes to teare out all
his bellie, and never cryed, for feare he should have bene betrayed, un-
<Plut1-138> LYCVRGVS till he fell downe dead in the place where
he stoode. This is not uncredible, by that we see younge boyes doe abide
at this daye: for we have seene divers, which have bidden whipping even
to death, upon the altar of Diana, surnamed Orthia. Nowe this under master,
who had the charge of every companie of these boyes, used after supper
(sitting yet at the table) to byd one of them singe a songe: to another
he put forth a question, who was to be well advised of his aunswer, as
for example: Who is the honestest man in the cittie? or howe thinckest
thou by that such a one dyd? By this exercise they were enured from boyes
state, to judge of things well or ill done, and to understand the life
and government of their cittizens. For which of them dyd not aunswer quickly
and directly to these questions, who is a good man, who is an honest cittizen,
and who not: they thought it was a signe of a dulle wit, and careles nature,
nor geven to any vertue, for desire of honour and estimation. Furthermore
this under master was ever to waite for his aunswer, and to see it should
be brief and wellknyt up in wordes: otherwise his punishement that aunswered
crossely, or to litle purpose, was that his mafter byt him by the thumbe.
This he dyd many times in the presence of the olde men and magistrates
of the cittie, that they might see whether he punished them with reason
or not, & according to their deserving. And though he dyd hurte him,
they dyd not by and by reprove him, but when the children were gone awaye,
then was he him selfe rebuked and punished, if he had corrected them to
sore, or contrairylie had favored to muche. Moreover they dyd ascribe the
good or ill opinion conceaved of the children, unto every of their favorers,
& lovers, which dyd affect & entertaine them: in asmuch as they
saye, a young boye upon a time fighting with another, and a crye scaping
out of his mouthe, his fainte cowardly harte dyd yelde, his favorer
LYVCRGVS <Plut1-139> and lover was straight condemned by the officers
of the cittie to a fine. Albeit this love was a thing even incorporated
into them, that the most honest and vertuousest women loved the young maydes
thus also: yet was there no jealousie nor suspition that grewe hereof,
but rather to the contratie, there grewe a marvelous mutuall love and kyndnes
betweene them, which loved in one selfe place. For either of them by all
the meanes they could, dyd devise howe to make the childe they loved in
common, the wisest, the gentlest, and the best conditioned above all other.
They taught these children to speake in suche sorte, that their speache
had ever in it a pleasaunt grace, and in fewe wordes comprehended much
matter. For Lycurgus ordained, a great masse and weight of iron money,
should be but litle worthe, and of a small value, as we have tolde you
before: and contrarihe, that speache in fewe wordes, without any affectation,
should holde much deepe and grave matter, wherewith the children being
acquainted, after long silence, should be brief and pitthie in their aunswers.
For as the seede of incontinent men which are to busie with every ragge
and colman hedge, can take no roote to bringe forth fruite: even so immoderate
speache, full of wordes & busie tattle, bringeth forth as litle sense.
Hereof it commeth, that the aunswers of the LACONIANS were so shorte and
witty. As they saye, king Tgis aunswered on a daye an ARHENIAN, who jesting
at the swords the LACEDAEMONIANS dyd weare, sayed they were so shorte,
that these tumblers, and jugglers dyd swallowe them downe in the sight
of all the world: and yet sayed Agis, we hurte our enemies with them for
all that. For mine owne opinion, I like well of the LACONIANS manner of
speaking: which is not to speake much, but when they speake, to touch the
matter effectually, and to make the hearers understand them. {PlainDealer+}
I thincke also, that Lycurgus, selfe, was shorte and quicke
<Plut1-140> LYCVRGVS in his talke. For so a man maye conjecture
by his aunswers which are written: as that which he made to one who earnestly
prayed him to stablishe a popular state in LACEDEMON, that the basest might
have as great authoritie as the highest. Beginne (quoth he) to doe it first
in thine owne house. And as that also which he aunswered another who asked
him, why he had appointed so small things, and so little of value to be
offered to the goddes? Bicause (quoth he) we should never cease to honour
them. And as that which he spake another time, touching fightes & frayes,
which was: that he dyd never forbid his cittizens any of them, but those
wherein they use to geve their hande, as you would saye to yeld. Men finde
also suche like aunswers, in some of his letters written to his cittizens,
as when they asked him. Howe can we defende our selves against our enemies?
He aunswered: If ye be poore, and one doe covet no more then another. And
in another letter that was sent, where he discourseth, whether it were
requisite to inclose the cittie with walles: he sayeth, can that cittie
be without walles, which is environned with men, though it be uncompassed
with stone? Nevertheles it is harde to resolve, whether those letters,
and other suche like that are shewed, be to be beleeved, or discredited
to be his. But that long speache was much disliked, and reproved among
the LACEDAEMONIANS, it is manifestly to be seene by the words, which somme
amongest them have heretofore aunswered. As king Leonidas sayed one daye,
to one that discoursed with him many good things, but out of season: friend,
thou speakest many good wordes, but to litle purpose. And Charilaus, nephew
to Lycurgus, being asked why his uncle made so fewe lawes: bicause sayed
he, to men of fewe wordes, fewe lawes will serve. And Archidamidas sayed
this to somme, which reproved Hecataeus the Orator, for that being bidden
to supper at one
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-141> of their feasts he spake not a worde all supper
time. He who can speake well, knoweth also when to speak. And where I have
tolde before, that in their feate and quicke aunswers, commonly there was
some prety grace, it maye be well seene and knowen by these that followe.
Demaratus aunswered a busie fellowe who troubled him to much with vaine
importunate questions asking still: who was the honestest man of LACEDAEMON?
Even he that is least like thy selfe. And Agis sayed to somm which highely
praysed the ELIANS for their upright judgement, and just dealing in the
games Olympicall. What wonder make ye of it (quoth he) if in five yeres
space the ELIANS one daye doe good justice? And Theopompus likewise to
a straunger, who as desirous to shew his affection he bare the LACEDAEMONIANS,
told him how every bodye called him Philolacon (as to saye) a lover of
LACEDAEMON. It were more honestie for thee (sayed he to be named Philopolites,
a lover of her cittizens. And Plistonax the sonne of Pausanias, when an
Orator of ATHENS sayed the LACEDAEMONIANS were unlearned, & ignorant:
thou sayest true quoth he, for we only of the GRECIANS have learned none
of your ill conditions. And Archidamidas, to one that demaunded of him,
what number of fighting men there might be of the SPARTANS: Enowe sayd
he, to drive awaye the wicked. We maye conjecture also their manner of
speaking, by their wordes in mirthe, which they spake sometimes playing
wise: for they dyd never use to speake vaine wordes at randome, but it
had alwayes some secret meaning in it, which required anothers good observation
that would finde it. As he which was desired to goe heare the nightingall
counterfeated naturally: I have (sayed he) heard the nightingall it selfe.
And another which having redde this inscription upon a tumbe.
<Plut1-142> LYCVRGVS When as they had, well quenched tyrannie throughout
their lande, by worthie warlike power, Their happe was yet in wretched
wise to dye, by scalings Selynuntaes strongest tower. They well deserved
death, sayed he, that dyd but quench tyrannie: they should have quite consumed
it with fire. And one younger boye to another, promising to geve him suche
hardie cockes of the game, as should dye in the place where they fought.
O geve me not those (said he) which will dye, but those which with fighting
will kill others. Another seeing men sitting in coches and litters as they
went: god forbid (said he) that I should ever sit in a chayer, where I
could not rise to my elders. Suche were their aunswers and encounters.
So that somme had reason which sayed heretofore, to speake LACONIAN like,
was to be philosopher like: as you would saye, more to exercise the minde,
then the bodye. Besides all this, they dyd studie to singe well, and to
make goodly ditties and songes. {cheer+} Then they spake most properly
and feately. There was in their songs also a certaine motion, I wote not
what, which stirred up the hearers hartes, and dyd kindle desire in them
to doe notable feates. Their tongue was plaine+, without affectation+:
their matter grave & morall, containing for the most parte the prayse
of those, which were slayne in battel for the defence of their countrie
as being happy men: and a shame to those that live, which for fainte hartes
refused so to dye, to leade a miserable and unfortunate life. {Agincourt+}
Or els they sange howe they were the patternes for time to come, or the
right glorie of the worlde, and the true representation of vertuous men:
as the songe would best become their ages which dyd singe. It shall not
be impertinent for the better understanding hereof, to bring you here an
example. For in their open feasts, there were alwayes three daunces, ac-
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-143> cording to the difference of the three ages.
The daunce of the old men, thus beganne first for to singe. We have been
young and stromg, yea valliant heretofore, till crooked age did hold us
backe, and bad us doe no more. The young men followed after, singing: We
yet are young, bolde, strong, and ready to maintaine that quarell still,
against all men that doe on earthe remaine. The third was of children that
came after and sayed: And we doe hope as well, to passe you all at last,
and that the worlde shall witnes be, ere many yeres be past. To conclude,
who nerely will consider the worcks an makings of the LACON poets (wherof
some are yet extant) and will marke also the notes and tunes of the pipe
after the sound and measure whereof they marched in arraye, going to charge
the enemie: he shall finde, that Terpander, and Pindarus, had reason to
joyne hardynes with musicke. For Terpander speaking of the LACEDAEMONIANS,
sayeth in a place: This is that lande where deedes of chevalrie, did florishe
most, in many a martiall feate: Where musicke made, her choise of harmonie,
and justice kept her stately royall seate. And Pindarus speaking of them
also sayeth: There: grave advise, is founde in aged braynes: there: gallant
youthes, are lusty ladds in dede. Which can both singe, and daunce, in
courtlike traines: yet dant their foes, with many a doughtie dede. By which
testimonies it appeareth, the one and the other made, and describeth them
to have loved musicke,
<Plut1-144> LYCVRGVS and the warres together. For as another LACON
poet sayeth, It sitteth well, and is a semely thinge, for such as spend
their time in fesas of warre: To have the skyll, swete sonets for to singe,
and touche the harpe withouten jangling jarre. For this cause therefore
in all their warres, when they should geve battell, the King dyd first
sacrifice to the Muses, to put his souldiers in minde (as it should seeme)
of the discipline and wisdome of the Muses that they had bene brought up
in, to the end that when his souldiers were in the most extreme daunger,
the Muses should present them selves before the souldiers eyes, to pricke
them forward to doe some noble actes of worthy memorie. In their time of
warre, they dyd tollerate their young men a litle of their hard and old
accustomed life, and suffered them then to trime their heares, to have
brave armour, to weare gay apparell, and tooke as great delight therein,
to see them gallant, & lustie, as to behold young neying and snorting
horse, desirous for to fight. And althoughe from the beginning of their
youthe, they dyd use to weare longe heares: yet were they never so carefull
to combe & brushe their heades, as when they should to the battell.
For when they dyd nointe them selves with sweete oyles, and dyd shed their
heare, remembring Lycurgus saying: who was wont to tell them, that heares
to them which were fayer, dyd make them more fayer, and to them that were
fowle, they made them more ougly and dredfull. The exercises also of their
bodies, were more easie and gentle, and not so hard and straight in their
warres, as they were in a peace: and generally, their whole manner of life
was not then so straightly viewed, nor yet controlled. So as they only
were the men of the world, to whom warres were made a rest from labour,
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-145> which men ordinarylie doe endure, to make them
the fitter for the warres. Afterwardes when their armie was set in battell
raye, even in the face of the enemie, the King dyd straight sacrifice a
goate unto the goddes, and forthwith commaunded all his souldiers to put
their garlands of flowers on their heades, and willed that the pipes should
sownd the songe of Castor: at the noyse and tune whereof, he him selfe
beganne first to marche forward. So that it was a marvelous pleasure, and
likewise a dredfull sight to see the whole battell marche together in order,
at the sound of the pipes, and never to breake their pace, nor confounde
their ranckes, nor to be dismayde nor amazed themselves, but to goe on
quietly and joyfully at the sounde of these pipes, to hazard themselves
even to death. {bagpipes+} For it is likely, that such corages are not
troubled with much feare, nor yet overcome with much furie: but rather
they have an assured constancie and valliantnes in good hope, as those
which are backed with the assisting favour of the goddes. The King marching
in this order, had allwayes some about him, which had before time wonne
the prises in games and justes. And they saye there was one of these on
a time, that was offered a great some of money at the games Olympicall,
not to present him selfe at them: but he refused it, liking better with
great payne to winne the prise, then for muche money to lose his honour.
Whereupon one sayed unto him, LACONIAN: and what hast thou gotten nowe,
to carie away the prise with so much swet? The LACONIAN aunswered him laughing:
I shall fight in the battel, sayeth he, before the King. When they had
once broken into their enemies, they dyd still fiercely and fiercelier
set upon them, & dyd never cease, untill their enemies gave waye and
fled: and then they chased and followed them still, untill such time as
their overthrowe and flight had assured them of the victorie. Then they
quickly & quiet-
<Plut1-146> LYCVRGVS ly returned to their campe, judging it to be
no manhod, neither the parte of a noble minde, or of so worthye a nationas
the GRECIANSwere, to kill and hewe in peeces, men so scattered and out
of order, having forsaken all the hope of victorie. This fell out not only
honorable, but also very profitable for them. For they which were in battell
against them, knowing they killed none but suche as resisted stowtely,
and howe they dyd let other goe which fled before them: they found it was
more their benefit to flye, then to tarie and abide the strokes. Hippias
the sophister sayeth, that Lyrurgus him selfe was a very good captaine,
and a great souldier, as he that had bene in many foughten fieldes: and
Philostephanus ascribeth to him the devise to put horsemen in troupes and
companies, which they called Oulames, whereof fiftie men at armes was a
troupe, whose manner was to put them selves in squadrons. But Demetrius
the Phalerian writeth otherwise, that Lycurgus was never at the warres,
& that he made all his lawes and government in a full peace. But in
my opinion, the intermission of warres during the playes Olympicall, which
they saye he devised, doeth shew in apparaunce that he was a gentle natured
man, and one that loved quietnes and peace+. Some notwithstanding (amongest
whom Hermippus was one) saye, he was not with Iphitus at the first beginning
when he ordeined the playes Olympical, but that by chaunce he happened
to come thither, passing by in his jorney only, and that he stayed there
to see the game: where he thought he heard the voyce of a man behinde him,
saying, he marvelled much why he dyd not persuade his cittizens also to
be parteners of this newe devise: and turning backe to see who it was that
spake to him, he sawe no bodye. Whereupon he tooke a conceit that it was
a speache from the goddes: and went therefore presently to seeke out Iphitus,
with whom he made all the statutes and orders of the
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-147> feast, which afterwardes were farre more famous,
better ordered, and more stately then before. But to returne a gaine to
the LACEDAEMONIANS: their discipline & orde of life continued still,
after they were full growen men. For it was not lawfull for any man to
live as he listed, but they were within their cittie, as if they had bene
in a campe, where every man knoweth what allowance he hath to live withall,
and what busines he hath els to doe in his calling. To be shorte, they
were all of this minde, that they were not borne to serve them selves,
but to serve their countrie. {public_service+} Therfore if they were commaunded
nothing els, they went continually to see what the children dyd, and to
teache them somewhat which might profit the common weale, or els they went
to learne of those which were their elders. For one of he best and happiest
things which Lycurgus ever brought into his cittie, was the great rest
and leysure which he made his cittizens to have, only forbidding them that
they should not professe any vile or base occupation: and they needed not
also to be carefull to get great riches, in a place where goodes were nothing
profitable nor esteemed. For the Ilotes, which were made bonde men by the
warres, dyd till their groundes, and yeelded them a certaine revenue every
yere. And as touching this matter, they tell of a LACEDAEMONIAN, who being
on a daye at ATHENS where the lawe was pleaded, dyd understand that a cittizen
there was condemned for Idlenes, and howe he went home to his house very
sorowfully, accompanied with his friends which were sorie for him, and
greatly lamented his ill happe. The LACEDAEMONIAN then prayed those whic@were
about him, to shewe him the man condemned for living nobly, & like
a gentleman. I have alledged this, to shew how he thought it a vile and
servill thing to exercise any handy craft, or to worke any thing by hande
to get money. {trade+} For sutes in lawe, a man maye be
<Plut1-148> LYCVRGVS well assured they were banished with the golde
and silver from LACEDAEMON, considering now there was no more avarice nor
covetousnes there, nor yet povertie nor lacke, but equalitie with aboundaunce,
and quiet life with sobrietie. All other times but when they had warres,
they followed daunsing, feastes, playes, bankets, hunting, or other exercises
of bodye, and meetinges to passe the time away. For the younge men untill
they came to thirtie yeres of age, never went into the market to buye any
provision or things for the house, but dyd their fathers or their friends
busines: naye it was a shame for the oldest men, to hawnte the market to
often. As to the contrary, it was honorable for them to be present at the
shewe place the most parte of the daye, where they diversely exercised
their bodyes, and likewise to be at the places of assembly, there to spend
time with talking together, & discoursing honestly one with another,
without talking of any matter of gaine, traffike, or money. For all their
talke (for the most parte) was about the praysing of some honest thing,
or sportingwise to reprove some dishonestie, which alwayes caried with
it some gentle lesson or monition by the waye. For Lycurgus was not such
a sower man, as they never sawe him laughe: but as Sosibius writeth, it
was he that first sacrificed to the litle god of laughture, which is at
LACEDAEMON, bicause he would mingle their feastes and assemblies with mirthe,
as a pleasaunt sawce to ease the trouble of their strickt and harde life.
To be brief, he did accustome his cittizens so, that they neither would
nor could live alone, but were in manner as men incorporated one with another,
{ring+} and were allwayes in company together, as the bees be about their
master bee: still in a continuall love to serve their countries to winne
honour, and to advaunce the common weale. Which affection of theirs is
playne and easely seene to be imprinted in them by cer-
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-149> ten of their aunswers, as in that which Paedaretus
sayed on a time, being left out of the election of the number of the three
hundred. Who departing home to his house mery and jocond as might be, sayed:
It did him good to see there were three hundred founde better in the cittie
than him selfe. Pisistratidas also being sent ambassadour with certen other
to the lieutenants of the king of PERSIA, the PERSIAN lordes asked him,
if they came of their owne desire, or whether they were sent from the whole
state: if we obtaine, sayed he, it is from the state: if we be denied,
then we come of our selves. And Argileonida the mother of Brasidas, asked
some that went to visite her after they were returned home to LACEDAEMON
from their juorney to AMPHIPOLIS, if her sonne died like a man, and a worthy
SPARTAN. And they straight did commend him highely, saying: there was not
left in all LACEDAEMON suche a valliant man. She replied unto them. Saye
not so, my friends, I praye you: for Brasidas was in dede a valliant man,
but the country of LACONIA hath many moe yet vallianter than he was. Now
touching their Senate: Lycurgus was the first that erected it among them.
The first that were thereof, were Lycurgus chief ayders and assisters of
that erection, as we have declared before: but afterwards he ordeined,
that when any of those first should happen to dye, they should choose in
his place the most honest reported man in the cittie, so he were three
score yere olde and above. This was the noblest glorie that could be among
men, when a man bare the bell and prise, not that he was swiftest among
the swift, nor strongest amongest the strong, but that he among the honest+
was honestest. He had the reward of his vertue, as for libertie to speake,
soveraine authoritie to governe, and princely power over the common weale,
the honour, the life, and the goodes of the whole cittizens: howbeit the
election was made after this sorte. The
<Plut1-150> LYCVRGVS people first assembled in the market place,
where there were some appointed and shut up thereabout in a house, from
whence they could neither see, nor be seene of those that were assembled,
but onely they might heare the noyse which they made there. For the people
by their crye and showte, did declare whom they did choose, and whom they
did refuse of the competitours, as they used to shewe their liking by the
like crye in other things. The competitours were not brought in, and presented
all together, but one after another in order, as by lot did fall out. He
on whom the lot fell, passed through the middest of the assemblie of the
people, and sayed never a worde. The people straight that liked, made a
crye or showte alowde. The men appointed which were locked up, had bookes
or tables in which they wrote & noted the greatnes of the crye, and
showte the people made, as every competitour passed by, not knowing nor
seeing who he was. These hidden men did onely set downe in their bookes,
the first, the second, the thirde, and so many more, as by showtes and
cryes they perceyved dyd passe thus through the assemblie. They noted also
in their said bookes, which of these had the greatest crye and showte of
people at their passing thorough: & him they came and declared to be
Senatour chosen. Then he wearing a garland of flowers on his head, went
to all the temples of the goddes in the cittie to geve thankes, having
a great traine of young men following, and praysing of his vertues. There
went also with him a marvelous company of women singing songes of his prayse,
& howe blessed he was, that he had lived so vertuously. Then every
one of his kinne prepared a bancket for him at home at their houses, and
as he entred the house, they sayed unto him: The cittie honoreth thee with
this bancket. That done, he repayred afterwards to the ordinarie place
of their eating, where he dyd in all things as he was accustomed, saving
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-151> he was served nowe at his table with a double
allowaunce, whereof he reserved the one. After supper, all his kinsewomen
stoode in the entrie of the hall where they had eaten: so he called her
whom he loved best, and gave her his allowaunce he had saved, and sayed
to her: This was geven me in token I was this daye rewarded for my vertue:
and even so I geve it thee for a like token of rewarde for thy vertue.
Then was she brought home by all the women there to her house, even in
like sorte as he was by the men. Touching burialles, Lycurgus made a wise
order: For first of all, to cut of all superstition of burying places,
he commaunded they should burie their dead within the cittie, and that
their graves should be round about their temples, that young persones might
have them allwayes in their eyes, and not be affrayed to see a dead bodye,
as if to touche a corse, or to passe by their graves, it should defile
a man. {death+} Then did he forbid them to burie any thing with the corse,
and willed they should only lappe it up in a redde clothe, with olive leaves.
It was not lawfull to grave the name of any dead bodye upon his grave,
but only of suche a man as died in the warres, or of some holy woman professed
into their temple. Furthermore the time appointed to mourne in, was very
shorte. For it lasted not but a eleven dayes, and on the twelft daye, they
must doe sacrifice to Proserpina, and so leave of their mourning. To conclude,
he left nothing idle, or unworking in his cittizens: for to all necessarie
things which men can not lacke, Lycurgus joyned ever a certaine emulation
of men. As to desire vertue, and to contemne vice: and furnished his cittie
with many good preceptes and examples, emong which his cittizens being
still borne and bred up, and having the same in every place before their
eyes where they went, they came to passe in time to be framed after the
very patterne and moulde of vertue it selfe. For this cause he
<Plut1-152> LYCVRGVS did not suffer any to travell out of the countrie,
or to goe abroad as he would, without speciall licence, for feare least
those which travelled abroad for their pleasure, should bring home straunge
facions and manners, and a corrupt disordered life, which by litle &
litle might get waye, and bring an alteration & chaunge of the whole
state. Furthermore, he kept out of SPARTA all straungers, except those
which had necessarie busines there, or were come thither for some profit
to the countrie: not that he was affrayed they should learne some thing
whereby to love vertue, or that they should desire to followe his facion
and manner of government as Thucydides was: but rather fearing they should
teache his cittizens some naughty manners, or some ill favored vice. For
it must needes be, that straungers bring ever straunge and newe devises
with them: which newe devises bring with them also newe opinions: and newe
opinions beget newe affections and mindes, that many times are repugnant
to the lawe, and to the forme of the common weale established before, as
discordes doe many times in an harmonie of musicke, that before agreed
very well together. Therefore he judged it a thing most necessarie, to
keepe his cittie free and safe from counterfeating of any straungers manners
or facions, that were commonly as persones infected with some contagious
sicknes. Nowe in all we have spoken before, even to this place, there is
no manner of token or shewe of injustice, or lacke of equitie, wherewith
some seme to burden Lycurgus in his lawes: by saying they were well made,
to make men warlicke and valliant, but not to be juste or righteous. But
concerning the lawe they call Cryptia, as much to saye, as their secret:
if it were of Lycurgus institution, as Aristotle sayeth, it might have
caried Plato into the like opinion that Lycurgus had of his common weale.
This was the lawe: The governours which had the charge and oversight of
the young
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-153> men, at certaine appointed times, dyd chuse
out those they thought to have the best discretion, and sent them abroade
into the countrie, some one waye, some another waye, who caried with them
daggers, and some provision to feede them. These young men being thus dispersed
abroade in the countrie, did hide them selves all the daye close in secret
places, and there they laye and tooke their rest: afterwardes when night
was come, they went to seeke out the high wayes, and killed the first of
the ILOTES that they met. Sometimes even in the broade daye, they went
into the countrie to kill the strongest and stowtest of them: as Thucydides
telleth in his history of the warres of PELOPONNESVS, where he sayeth.
That a certaine convenient number of the ILOTES were crowned, by a publicke
proclamation of the SPARTANS: and being insfranchesed, for their good services
they had done the common weale, they were caried to all the temples of
the goddes for an honour. Within a while after, no man knewe what was become
of them, being about two thousand in number: so that never man heard tell
neither then nor since, howe they came to their deathes. Howbeit Aristotle
above all others sayeth, that the Ephores, so soone as they were placed
in their offices, made warres with the ILOTES, bicause they might lawfully
kill them. And it is true, that in other things they did handle them very
hardely. For they forced them somtimes to drincke wine without water out
of measure, till they had made them starke drunke. Then they brought them
all into their common halles where they did eate, to make their children
to beholde them, & to see what beastlines it was for aman to be drunke.
Likewise they made them singe songes, & daunce daunces, unfit for honest
men, and suche as were full of derision and mockerie, and did forbid them
expressely to singe any honest songes. So it is reported, that in the jorney
the THEBANS made to LACONIA,
<Plut1-154> LYCVRGVS many of the ILOTES were taken prisoners thereat,
and when they were commaunded to singe the verses of Terpander, or of Alcman,
or of Spendon the Laconian, they would not doe it: sayingg they durst not
singe them for their masters. Wherefore he that first sayed in the countrie
of LACEDAEMONIA, he that is free is more free, and he that is bonde, is
more bonde then in other places: knewe very well the divetsitie betweene
the libertie and bondage there, and the libertie and bondage of other countries.
But in my opinion, the LACEDAEMONIANs beganne to use these great outrages
and cruelties, long time after the death of Lyrurgus, and specially since
the great earthquake that happened at SPARTA, at which time the ILOTES
rose against them with the MESSENIANS, and did great mischief through the
countries and put the cittie to the greatest distresse and daunger that
ever it had. For I cannot be persuaded, that ever Lycurgus invented, or
instituted, so wicked & mischievous an acte, as that kynde of ordinaunce
was: bicause I imagine his nature was gentle and mercifull, by the clemencie
and justice wee see he used in all his other doings, and was witnessed
besides by open oracle from the goddes, for a just and wise man. Furthermore,
they saye of him, that when he sawe the chiefest pointes of his government
had taken deepe roote, and that the forme of his common weale went on,
and was strong enough to mainteine & keepe it selfe a foote, like as
Plato sayeth, that God rejoyced greately after he had made the worlde,
and sawe the same turne and move his first moving: even so Lycurgus taking
singular pleasure and delight in his minde, to see his notable lawes put
in use, and so well stablished and liked of by experience, sought yet to
make them immortall, as neere as he could possible, by any forecast of
man, that no after time whatsoever, might chaunge or put them downe. To
bring this to passe, he caused all the people to assemble, and
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-155> tolde them he thought his civill policie and
state of common weale was already sufficiently established, for vertuous
and happy life: yet there was one matter behinde of greater importaunce
than all the rest, which he could not yet declare unto them, untill he
had first asked counsell of the oracle of Apollo. And therefore in the
meane time they should keepe and observe his lawes & ordinaunces inviolablie,
without chaunging, removing, or staying any matter therein, until he were
returned from the cittie of DELPHES, and then they should doe that other
thing behinde, if the God then so counselled him. They all promised him
to doe it, and prayed him to make hast to goe on his jorney. But before
he departed, he made the Kings and Senatours sweare first, and consequently
all the people after, that they would keepe his lawes & ordinaunces
without chaunging or altering any thing, untill he did returne againe.
This done, he went to the cittie of DELPHES, where so sone as he arrived,
he sacrificed in the temple to Apollo, and asked him: If the lawes he had
made were good to make a man an happy life. Apollo made him aunswer, his
lawes were very good, and that his cittie keping them, should be the most
renowmed of the worlde. Lycurgus caused this oracle to be written, which
he sent to SPARTA. After he sacrificed to Apollo againe: and then taking
leave of his friendes, and of his sonne, he determined to dye, bicause
his cittizens should never be released of the othe they had made betweene
his handes. When he had this determination, he was come to the age, wherein
a man hathe strength enough to live lenger: and yet was olde enough also
to dye if he would. Wherefore finding him selfe happy to have obteined
his desire, he willingly pyned him selfe to death, by abstinence, and lacke
of meate. For he thought it meete, that the very death+ of great personages
should bring benefit ever to the common weale, and that the ende of their
life
<Plut1-156> LYCVRGVS should be no more idle, or unprofitable, then
the rest of their life before: that it was one of their most meritorious
actes, to have their death extolled for worthines. So he imagined that
his death would be the perfection and crowne of his felicitie, after he
had made & ordeined so many good & notable lawes, for the honour
& benefit of his countrie: & should be as a seale of confirmation
of his lawe, & the continual preservitour of his cittie, considering
all his cittizens had sworne to keepe them all inviolably, untill he were
returned. He was not deceaved of his hope, for his cittie was the chiefest
of the worlde, in glorie & honour of government, by the space of five
hundred yeres. For so long his cittie kept his lawes without any chaunge
or alteration by any of the Kings successours, untill king Agis, the sonne
of Archidamus beganne to reigne. For the creation of the Ephores, did not
breake, nor discontinewe any of the lawes of Lycurgus, but reduced them
rather to a more straight and strickt order: although it seemed at the
first that the Ephores were ordeined, for the maintenaunce and defence
of the libertie of the people, whereas in deede they did also strengthen
the authoritie of the Kings & Senate. Nowe in the raigne of king Agis,
gold and silver beganne first to creepe in againe to the cittie of SPARTA,
by meanes of Lysander. With money there came in straight covetousness and
gredines to get and gather. {trade+} And although Lysander was not desirous
to get it, nor would be corrupted for any money: yet he brought riches
and covetousnes into the countrie, and filled the same with all finenes,
by bringing in great store of golde and silver from'the warres, directly
against the lawes and ordinaunces of Lycurgus. The which so long as they
were in force and use, it appered that the government of SPARRA seemed
not to be a pollicy or common weale, but rather a certaine holy place and
order of religion. And even as the Poets fayne, that
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-157> Hercules went through the world with his clubbe,
and lyons skynne, punishing cruel robbers and unnaturall tyrannes: so in
like case with a litle scrowe of parchement, and a poore cape, did the
SPARTANS commaund and geve lawes, to all the rest of GRECE, even with their
good liking and consent. And they chased the tyrannes awaye, which usurped
tyrannical power over any of their citties, and did decide all controversies,
and oftentimes pacified their seditions, without sending out one souldier,
but only a simple poore ambassadour. At whose commaundement the people
presently assembled like the bees, which gather together about their King,
so soone as they spye him: they did then so greatly reverence the good
government & justice of the SPARTANS. Therefore I can but wonder much
at those which saye, the cittie of LACEDAEMON could obey well, but not
commaunde: & for proofe they alleage wordes of king Theopompus, who
aunswered one which sayd, that SPARTA was mainteined, bicause the Kings
could conimaund well. Naye the rather (sayd he) bicause the cittizens can
obey well. For men commonly disdaine to obey those, which are not wise
in commaunding. So that the faithfull obedience of the subjectes, dependeth
much upon the sufficient commaundement of the wise prince. For he that
directeth well, must needes be well obeyed. For like as the arte of a good
rider, is to make his horse gentle, & ready at commaundement: even
so the chiefest pointe belonging to a prince, is to teach his subjects
to obey. Wherefore the LACEDAEMONIANS procured, that not onely other people
did willingly obey them, but also desired to be ruled, & commaunded
by them. For they asked them, neither shippes nor money, nor yet did send
them any number of men of warre to compell them, but onely they sent one
cittizen of SPARTA to governe them, to whom all the other people submitted
them selves, and
<Plut1-158> LYCVRGVS were holpen by him in their necessitie, as
fearing and reverencing him. In this wise the SICILIANS were holpen by
Gysippus, the CHALCIDIANS by Brasidas, and all the GRECIANS inhabiting
ASIA, by Lysander, Callicratidas, and by Agesilaus, who were called the
reformers and directors of princes, peoples, & Kings, unto whom they
were sent here and there: but ever they had their eye upon the cittie of
SPARTA, as upon the most perfect Patterne to order mans life by, and to
governe a common weale after. To this effect tended the mery worde spoken
in jest by Stratonicus: Who said he did order the ATHENIANS to tend their
sacrifices, and the ELIANS to tende their games: and if they made any faulte
therein, the LACEDAEMONIANS should be well whipped. That was merely spoken,
and in a jesdng manner. But Antisthenes (the philosopher and one of Socrates
scholers) seeing the THEBANS growen very hawtie and glorious, after that
they had conquered the LACEDAEMONIANS in the jorney of LEVCTRES: me thinketh
sayed he, these THEBANS here doe like the schoole boyes, which bragge and
rejoyce when they have a litle beaten their master. But this was not Lycurgus
meaning, to have his cittie to commaunde many. But he thought the felicitie
of a cittie, as of a private man, consisted chiefly in the exercise of
vertue and in the unitie of the inhabitants thereof. He framed his common
wealth to this ende, that his cittizens should be nobly minded, content
with their owne, and temperate in their doings, that thereby they might
mainteine and keepe them selves long in safetie. The self same intention
had Plato, Diogenes, and Zenon, in setting forth their bookes, which they
wrote of the government of common weales: and so had likewise many other
great and learned men which have written of the same matter. Howbeit they
only left behinde them, wordes, and written bookes: but Lycurgus contrariwise,
left no written
LYCVRGVS <Plut1-159> bookes nor pamplets, but stablished and left
behind him, a royall forme of government, which no man ever before had
invented, nor never after could be followed He hath made them plainely
see, a whole cittie live to gether, and governe it selfe philosophically,
according to the true rules & preceptes of perfect wisdome: which imagined,
that true wisedome was a thing hanging in the ayer, and could not visiblie
be scene in the worlde. Whereby he hath worthily excelled in glorie all
those which ever tooke upon them to write or stablishe the government of
a common weale. And therefore sayeth Aristotle, that after his death they
did him lesse honour in LACEDAEMONIA, then he had deserved: albeit they
did him all the honour they possibly could devise. And yet they buylt a
temple for him, and made solemne sacrifice to him every yere, as unto a
god. More, they saye, that when the ashes of his bodie were brought to
SPARTA, there fell straight lightning upon his tumbe where they were put:
which they had not often seene to happen, to other men of name after their
decease, saving only to the poet Euripides, who dying in MACEDONIA, was
buried neere the cittie of ARETHVSA. The which is some manifest argument,
for suche as love the Poet, to laye against those which somewhat deprave
him, seing this signe came to him after his death, which had happened before
to a most well beloved man of the goddes. Some saye Lycurgus died in the
cittie of CIRRHA. But Apollothemis sayeth, he died in ELIDA. Timaus and
Aristoxenus write, he ended his dayes in CRETA. And Aristoxenus sayeth
further, that those of the Ile of CRETA doe shewe his grave in the place
which they call Pergamia, by the broade highe wayes side. He left one onely
begotten sonne named Antiorus, who died without issue, so that his house
and name fayled with him. But his neere kinsemen and famillier friendes,
did set up a company or brotherhood
<Plut1-160> LYCVRGVS in memorie of him, which continued a long time:
and the dayes wherein they assembled, were called the Lycurgides. There
is another Aristocrates (the sonne of Hipparchus) who sayeth, that he being
dead in CRETA, his friends burned his bodie, and afterwardes threwe his
ashes into the sea, according as he had prayed and requested them. For
he feared, that if any parte of him should at any time have bene brought
to SPARTA, the inhabitans would have sayed he was returned againe, and
thereby would have thought them selves discharged of their othe, and might
have lawfully altered the lawes which he had appointed. And this is the
discourse and ende of Lycurgus life. The ende of Lycurgus life.
The Life of Numa Pompilius+ THE Historiographers differ marvelously
of the time, in which Numa Pompilius raigned King, albeit some will derive
from him many noble houses descended in ROME. For one Clodius, who wrote
the booke intituled the table of time, affirmeth that the auncient registers
of the cittie of ROME were lost when it was taken and sacked by the GAVLES:
and that those which are extant at this daye be not true, but were only
made by men desirous to gratifie some, which have thrust in auncient houses
& families of the first ROMAINES, that concerne nothing them whom they
ment to represent. On the other side, although the common opinion be, that
Numa was a familier friend and schollet of Pythagoras the philosopher,
yet some saye he was never learned, nor <Plut1-161>
<Plut1-162> NVMA had any knowledge at all in the Greeke tongue.
And yet maintaining that it is possible enough, that he was so well borne,
and had suche perfection in all kind of vertue, that he never neded any
master: and though he had neded, they had rather attribute the honour of
the inducting of this King unto some other foreane person, that was more
excellent then Pythagoras. Other saye, that Pythagoras the philosopher
was long time after the raigne of Numa, and well nighe five ages after
him. Howbeit other saye, there was another Pythagoras borne in SPARTA (who
having wonne the pryse of running at the games Olympicall, in the sixten@h
Olympiade, & the third yere of Numaes raigne) did come into ITALIE,
where he kept much about Numa, and did assist and helpe him in the governing
& ordering of his Realme. By meanes whereof there be many customes
yet of the LACONIANS, mingled with the ROMAINES, which this second Pythagoras
was sayed to have taught him. Nevertheles it is not confessed that Numa
was borne of the SABYNES, which they saye are descended from the LACEDAEMONIANS.
So it falleth out very hard to agree certainly of the time when Numa was,
and chiefly for suche as will followe the rolle or table of those which
from Olympiades to Olympiades have wonne the pryses of games Olympicall:
considering the rolle or table that they have at this present, was very
lately
published by one Hippias an Elian, who delivereth no reason or argument
of necessitie why it should be taken for an undoubted trothe, which he
in that sorte hath gathered. Yet we will not leave to put in writing those
things worthie of memorie, which we could gather by any meanes of king
Numa, beginning at that place which we thought to be meetest. It was nowe
sithence ROME was buylt, seven & thirtie yeres (for so long time raigned
Romulus) when Romulus the fifte of the moneth of July (which they call
the Nones of the goates) made
NVMA <Plut1-163> a solemne sacrifice without the cittie, neere to
a certaine place commonly called, the goate marshe. As all the whole Senate,
with the most parte of the people were present at this sacrifice, sodainely
there rose in the ayer a very great tempest, and a marvelous darcke thicke
clowde, which fell on the earthe with suche boysterous windes, stormes,
lightnings, and thunder: that the poore common people being affrayed of
so sore a tempest, dispersed them selves sodainely, running here and there
for succour, and therewithall king Romulus vanished awaye in suche sorte,
that he was never after seene alive nor dead. This brought the Senatours,
and noble men whom they called Patricians, into great suspition. And there
ranne a fowle tale among the common people, howe they had a long time borne
very impaciently to be subjects to a King, bicause them selves would have
had and taken upon them some soveraine authoritie, and that for this cause
they had killed king Romulus. Adding somewhat more unto it, howe a litle
before he had used them more roughely, and commaunded them more straightly
then he was wont or accustomed. Nevertheles they found the meanes to quenche
all these bruites and murmurings, by doing divine honour and sacrifice
unto him, as one not dead, but passed to a better life. To confirme this,
one of the noblest men among them called Proclus came in, and by othe affirmed
before all the people, that he sawe Romulus ascending up into heaven, armed
at all peces, and that he heard a voyce saye: from thenceforth call him
Quirinus. This being thus appeased, there sprange up another trouble, to
knowe whom they should choose in his place. For the straungers which were
come then from otherplaces to dwell in ROME, were not yet throughly joyned
to the naturall borne ROMAINES: in so muche, as the common people dyd not
only waver, and stagger up and down in opinion, but the Senatours also
(that
<Plut1-164> NVMA were many and of divers nations) did enter into
a suspition one of another. These things notwithstanding they all agreed
in this, that of necessstie they must choose a King: howbeit in the rest
they differed much, not only whom they should choose, but also of what
nation he should be. For those which were the first founders and buylders
of the Cittie of ROME with Romulus, could in no wise abide, nor suffer,
that the SABYNES (to whom they had divided parte of their landes, and a
moytie of their circle) should attempt and presume to commaund them, whom
they dyd receyve and associate into their company & fellowshippe. The
SABYNES alledged on thother side for them, a good reason, and such as caried
great probabilitie. Whi chwas, that never sence the death of their king
Tatius, they neither had in any thing disobeyed nor disquieted king Romulus,
but had suffered him to raigne peaceably: and therefore Romulus being nowe
deceased, reason would that the newe King should be chosen of their nation.
And that albeit the ROMAINES had receyved them into their cittie, they
could not say therefore, that in time of this association, they were lesse
to be reckoned of in any thing, than them selves. Further they added, that
in joyning with them, the ROMAINES had doubly increased their might and
power, and had made a bodie of a people, which deserved the honour and
title of a cittie. These were the causes of their contention. But to prevent
that of this contention there might growe no confusion in the cittie, if
it should remaine without an head to commaund: the Senatours which were
a hundred and fiftie in number, gave counsell that every one of them by
turnes, one after another, should carie the royall state of the King, and
all the showes and ornaments of his maiesfie, and should doe the ordinarie
sacrifices of the King, and dispatche all causes sixe howers in the daye,
and sixe howers in the night, as the King be-
NVMA <Plut1-165> fore had used. Thus they thought it best to devide_the_rule+,
that one might have asmuch power as the other, as well in respect of them
selves, as also for regarde of the people. For they imagined, that the
chaunging and removing thus of this regall dignitie, and passing it from
man to man, would clene take awaye envie amonly them, and make every of
them to rule temperately, and uprightly see, that in one, & the selfe
same daye and night, every of them should be a King and private persone
also. The ROMAINES call this manner of regiment in vacation, Interregnum:
as you would saye, rule for the time. Nowe albeit their government was
very modest and civill, yet they could not for all that keepe them selves
from falling into the suspition, and slaunder of the people: who gave it
out straight, that this was a fine devise of theirs, to chaunge by this
meanes the rule of the Realme into a fewe noble mens handes, to the ende
that the whole authoritie and government of all publicke causes, should
remaine still in them selves, bicause it grieved them to be subject to
a King. And in the ende, the two partes of the cittie came to this agreement:
that the one parte should choose one of the bodie of the other, to be the
King. This course they liked very well, aswell for the pacification of
present sturre and dissention amongest them selves, as for procuring equalitie
of affection, and sturring up a likenes of goodwill in the King that thus
indifferently should be chosen: whereby he should love the one parte for
that they had chosen him, and likewise the other parte for that he was
of their nation. The SABYNES were the first, which referred the election
to the ROMAINES choyse: & the ROMAINES thought it better to chuse one
of the nation of the SABYNFS, then to have a ROMAINE chosen by the SABYNES.
After they had consulted, they determined amongest them selves: & did
choose Numa Pompilius one of the bodye of the SABYNES to be
<Plut1-166> NVMA King, who was none of the number of them which
came to dwell at ROME, howbeit he was a man so famous for his vertue, that
the SABYNES so soone as they named him, did receyve him more willingly,
then they who had chosen him. After they had thus published their election,
the first and chiefest persones of the one and the other side, were chosen
out to goe unto him. Now Numa Pompilius was borne in one of the chiefest
and best citties which the SABYNES had, called Cures, whereupon the ROMAINES,
and their fellowes the SABYNFS, were called afterwardes Quirites, and he
was the sonne of Pomponius a noble man, the youngest of foure brethern:
being by the secret worcking of the goddes, borne on the very daye, on
the which ROME was first founded by Romulus, which was the one and twenty
daye of Aprill. This man being naturally geven and inclined unto all vertue,
did yet increase the same, by studie, and all kynde of good discipline+:
and by the exercise thereof, and of true pacience, and right philosophie+,
he did marvelously adorne him selfe and his manners. For he did not only
clere his soule, and minde, of all passions+ and vices commonly used in
the worlde: but he conquered in him selfe all heates, violence, and covetousness.
And would neither seeke nor usurpe, that which was an other mans, a thing
at that time honoured among the most barbarous people: but thought that
to be the true, and right victorie in man, first to conquer and commaund
him selfe by judgement and reason, & then to subdue all covetousnes
& greedines. {king_over_self+} Having therfore this opinion, he would
in no wise have in his house any superfluity or finenes. {PlainDealer+}
He became to every man that would employe him (aswell straunger as his
owne countrie man) a wise counsaillour, and an upright judge. He bestowed
his leysure, not to followe his owne delight, or to gather goods together:
but to serve the goddes, & to behold their celestiall nature and
NVMA <Plut1-167> power, as much as mans reason and understanding
could comprehend. Thereby he got so great a name & reputation, that
Tatius (which was king of ROME with Romulus) having but one onely daughter
called Tatia, made him his sonne in law. Howbeit this mariage put him in
no such jolity, that he would dwel at ROME with his father in lawe, but
rather kept at home at his own house in the countrie of the SABYNES, there
to serve and cherishe his olde father with his wife Tatia: who for her
parte also liked better, to live quietly with her husband being a private
man, then to goe to ROME where she might have lived in much honour and
glorie, by meanes of the King her father. She died as it is reported, 13
yeres after she was maried. After her deathe, Numa leaving to dwell in
the cittie, was better contented to live in the country alone, and solitarie,
and gave him self to walke much in the fields and woddes consecrated to
the godds, as one desirous to leade alone life, farre from the companie
of men. Wherupon was raised (in my opinion) that which is spoken of him,
and of the goddesse Egeria. That it was not for any straungenes, or melancholines
of nature, that Numa withdrew him self from the conversation & company
of men, but bicause he had found another more honorable and holy society
of the Nymphe, and goddesse Egeria, who had done him, as they saye, that
honour, as to make him her husband: with whom as his beloved darling it
is syed he enjoyed happy dayes, and by dayly frequenting of her company,
he was inspired with the love and knowledge of all celestiall things. Surely,
these devises are much unto certain old fables of the Phryggians, which
they having learned from the father to the sonne, doe love to tell of one
Atis: of the Bithynians, of one Herodotus: of the ARCADIANS of one Endymion+:
and of many other such like men, who in their lives were taken for sayntes,
and beloved of the goddes. Notwith-
<Plut1-168> NVMA standing, it is likely, that the goddes love neither
birdes, nor horse, but men, and have sometimes a liking to be familliar
with perfect good men, and doe not disdaine sometime the conversation of
suche as be holye, religious, and devoute. But to beleeve the goddes have
carnall knowledge, and doe delight in the outward beawtie of creatures,
that seemeth to carie a very harde beliefe. Yet the wise EGYPTIANS thincke
it probable enough & likely, that the spirite of the goddes hath geven
originall of generation to women, and doe beget fruite of their bodies:
howbeit they holde that a man can have no corporall companie with any divine
nature. Wherein they doe not consider, that every thing that joyneth together,
doth deliver againe a like substaunce, to that wherewith it was joyned.
This notwithstanding, it is mete we should beleeve the godds beare good
will to men, and that of it doth spring their love, whereby men saye the
goddes love those whose manners they purifie, and inspire with vertue.
And they doe not offende, which fayne that Phorbas, Hyacinthus and Admetus,
were sometimes the lovers of Apollo, and also Hippolytus the SICYONIAN:
of whom they reporte, that ever when he passed over the arme of the sea
which lieth betweene the citties of SICYONA, ,and of CIRRHA, the god which
knewe he came, rejoyced, & caused Pythia the prophetesse to pronounce
these heroycall verses, I knowe full well, my deare Hyppolytus, returnes
by sea, my mind duvineth thus. It is sayd also that Pan was in love with
Pindarus and his verses, and that the goddes honored the poets Hesiodus,
and Archilocus, after their death by the Muses. They saye moreover, that
AEsculapius laye with Sophocles in his life time, and at this daye they
doe yet showe many tokens thereof: and after his death, another god (as
it is re-
NVMA <Plut1-169> ported) made him to be honorably buried. Nowe if
they graunte, that such things maye be true: how can we refuse to beleeve,
that some goddes have bene familliar with Zaleucus, Minos, Zoroastres,
Lycurgus, Numa, & such other like personages, which have governed kingdomes,
and stablished common weales? and it is not unlike that the goddes in deede
dyd company with them, to inspire and teache them many notable things,
and that they did drawe neere unto these Poets, and players of the harpe,
that made and played many dolefull and joyfull ditties, at the least for
their sporte and pleasure onely, if ever they came neere them. Nevertheles
if any man be of other opinion, the waye is open and large as Bacchylides
sayed, to thincke and saye as he lust. For my selfe I doe finde, that which
is written of Lycurgus, Numa, and other suche persones, not to be without
likelyhood and probabilitie: who having to governe rude, churlishe, and
stiffe necked people, & purposing to bring in straunge novelties into
the governments of their countries, did fayne wisely to have conference
with the godds, considering this fayning fell to be profitable and beneficiall
to those them selves, whom they made to beleeve the same. But to returne
to our historie. Numa was fourty yeres olde, when the ambassadours of ROME
were sent to present the Kingdome unto him, and to intreate him to accept
thereof. Procltus, & Velesus, were the ambassadours that were sent.
One of the which the people looked should have bene chosen for King, bicause
those of Romulus side, did favour muche Proclus: and those of Tatius parte
favored Velesus. Nowe they used no long speache unto him, bicause they
thought he would have bene glad of suche a great good fortune. But contrarely
it was in deede a very hard thing, and required great persuasions, and
much intreatie, to move a man which had allwayes lived quietly, and at
ease, to accept the regiment of a cittie,
<Plut1-170> NVMA which as a man would saye, had bene raysed up &
growen by warres, and martiall dedes. Wherfore he aunswered them in the
presence of his father, and one other of his kinsemen called Martius in
this sorte. Chaunge & alteration of mans life is ever daungerous: but
for him that lacketh nothing necessarie, nor hath cause to complaine of
his present state, it is a great follie to leave his olde acquainted trade
of life, and to enter into another newe and unknowen, if there were no
other but this only respect: that he leaveth a certaintie, to venter upon
an uncertainty. Howbeit there is further matter in this, that the daungers
and perills of this kingdom which they offer me, are not altogether uncertain,
if we wil looke backe what happened unto Romulus. Who was not unsuspected
to have layed waite, to have had Tatius his fellow and companion murdered:
and now after Romulus death, the Senatours selves are mistrusted to have
killed him on the other side by treason. And yet they saye it, and singe
it every where: that Romulus was the sonne of a god, that at his birthe
he was miraculously preserved, and after-wardes he was as incrediblie brought
up. Whereas for my owne parte, I doe confesse, I was begotten by a mortall
man, and was fostered, brought up, and taught by men as you know: and these
fewe qualities which they prayse and commend in me, are conditions farre
unmete for a man that is to raigne. I ever loved a solitarie_life+, quiet
and studie, and did exempt my selfe from worldly causes. All my life time
I have sought and loved peace above all things, and never had to doe with
any warres. My conversation hath bene to companie with men which meete
only to serve and honour the goddes, or to laughe and be merie one with
another, or els to spende their time in their private affayers, or otherwise
sometime to attend their pastures, and feeding of their cattell. Whereas
Romulus (my ROMAINE lordes) hath left you many
NVMA <Plut1-171> warres begonne, which peradventure you could be
contented to spare: yet now to mainteine the same, your citie had neede
of a martiall King, active, & strong of bodye. Your people moreover,
through long custome, and the great increase they are geven unto by feates
of armes, desire nought els perhappes but warres: and it is plainely seene,
they seeke still to growe, and commaund their neighbours. So that if there
were no other consideration in it, yet were it a mere mockerie for me,
to goe to teache a cittie at this present to serve the goddes, to love
justice, to hate warres, and to flye violence: when it rather hath neede
of a conquering captaine, then of a peaceable+ King. These and suche other
like reasons and persuasions Numa alleaged, to discharge him selfe of the
Kingdome which they offred him. Howbeit the ambassadours of the ROMAINES
most humbly besought and prayed him with all instance possible, that he
would not be the cause of another newe sturre, and commotion among them,
seeing both partes in the cittie have geven their consent and liking to
him alone, and none other to be their King. Moreover, when the ambassadours
had left him upon this sute, his father, and Martius his kinseman, beganne
also privately to perswade him, that he should not refuse so good and godly
an offer. And albeit he was contented with his present state, and desired
to be no richer than he was, nor coveted no princely honour nor glorie,
bicause he sought only most famous vertue: yet he must needes thincke,
that to rule well, was to doe the goddes good service, whose will it was
to employe the justice they knewe in him, and not to suffer it to be idle.
Refuse not therefore (quoth they) this royall dignitie, which to a grave
and wise man is a goodly field, to bring forth many commendable workes
and fruites. There you maye doe noble service to the godds to humble the
heartes of these martiall people, and to bring them to be holy and religi-
<Plut1-172> NVMA ous: for they readely turne, and easely conforme
them selves unto the nature of their prince. They dearely loved Tatius,
although he was a straunger: they have consecrated a memorie to Romulus
with divine honours, which they make unto him at this daye. And it maye
be, that the people seeing them selves conquerers, will be full enough
of warres: and the ROMAINES being nowe full of spoyles and triumphes, will
be glad to have a gentle prince, and one that loveth justice, that they
maye thenceforth live in peace, under good and holy lawes. And yet if it
be otherwise, that their hartes be still full of heate and furie to fight:
is it not better to turne this their desire to make warres some other waye,
when a man hathe the bridle in his owne handes to doe it, and to be a meane
in the meane time to joyne the countries and all the nation of the SABYNES,
in perpetual love and amitie, with so mighty and florishing a cittie? besides
all these persuasions and reasons, there were many signes also (as they
saye) which promised him good lucke, together with the earnest affection
and liking of his owne countrie cittizens. Who, so soone as they understoode
the coming, and commission of the ambassadours of ROME, they importunately
desired him to goe thither, and to accept the offer of the Kingdome: that
he might more straightly unite and incorporate them together with the ROMAINES.
Whereupon, Numa accepted the Kingdome. Then after he had done sacrifice
to the goddes, he set forwardes on his journey towardes ROME: where the
people and Senate went out to meete him, with a wonderful desire to see
him. The women at his entrie, went blessing of him, and singing of his
prayses. They dyd sacrifice for him, in all the temples of the goddes.
There was neither man nor woman but seemed to be as joyfull and glad: as
if a newe Realme, and not a newe Kinge, had bene come to the cittie OF
ROME. Thus was he brought with this open joye,
NVMA <Plut1-173> and rejoycing, unto the market place, where one
of the Senatours, which at that time was regent, called Spurius Vettius,
made them pronounce his open election: and so by one consent he was chosen
King, with all the voyces of the people. Then were brought unto him the
tokens of honour and dignitie of the King. But he him selfe commaunded
they should be stayed a while, saying: He must first be confirmed King
by the goddes. Then he tooke the wise men and priests, with whom he went
up into the Capitoll, which that time was yet called mounte Tarpeian. And
there, the chiefest of the soothesayers called Augures, turned him towardes
the southe, having his face covered with a veyle, and stoode behinde him,
laying his right hande upon his heade, and praying to the goddes that it
would please them to declare their willes by flying of birdes, or some
other token concerning this election: and so the soothesayer cast his eyes
all about, as farre as he could possiblie discerne. During all this time
there was a marvelous silence in the market place, although then an infinite
number of people were assembled there together, attending with great devotion
what the issue of this divination would be: untill there appeared unto
them on the right hande, good and lucky birdes, which did confirme the
election. Then Numa putting on his regall robes, came downe from mounte
Tarpeian, into the market place, where all the people receyved him with
wonderful showtes of joye, as a man the most holy, and best beloved of
the goddes that they could have chosen. So having taken the royall seate
of the Kingdome, his first acte was this. That he discharged the garde
of the three hundred souldiers, which Romulus had allwayes about his persone,
called Celeres: saying, he would not mistrust them which trusted him, neither
would he be King over people, which should mistrust him. His second acte
was, that he did adde to the two priests of Jupi-
<Plut1-174> NVMA ter and Mars, a thirde, in the honour of Romulus,
who was called Flamen Quirinalis. For the auncient ROMAINES also called
their priests, instituted in the olde time, Flamines, by reason of certaine
litle narrowe hattes which they did weare on their heades, as if they had
called them Pilamines: for Pilos in Greeke signifieth a hatte. And at that
time (as they saye) there were many moe Greeke wordes mingled with the
Latine, then there are at this daye. For they called the mantells the Kings
did weare Lanas. And Iuba sayeth that it is the very same which the GRECIANS
call Chlanas, & that the younge boye which was a servaunte in the temple
of Jupiter, was called Camillus, as some of the GRECIANs doe yet call the
god Mercurie, bicause he is servaunt of the godds. Now Numa having done
these things at his first entrie into his Kingdome, still to winne further
favour and goodwill of the people: beganne immediately to frame his cittizens
to a certaine civilities being as iron wrought to softenes, and brought
them from their violent and warlike desires, to temperate and civill manners.
For out of doubt, ROME was properly that, which Plato ascribeth to a cittie
full of trouble and pryde. For, first it was founded by the most coragious
and warlike men of the worlde, which from all partes were gathered there
together, in a most desperate boldnes: & afterwards it increased, and
grewe strong, by armes and continuall warres, like as pyles driven into
the grounde, which the more they are rammed in, the further they enter,
and sticke the faster. Wherefore Numa judging it no small nor light enterprise,
to plucke downe the hawty stomacks of so fierce and violent a people, and
to frame them unto a sobre and quiet life: dyd seeme to worcke it by meanes
of the goddes, withdrawing them on thereto by litle and litle, and pacifying
of their whotte and fierce corages to fight, with
NVMA <Plut1-175> sacrifices, feastes, dauncings, and common processions,
wherein he celebrated ever him selfe. In the which together with their
devotion, there was mingled nowe and then, pastime and pleasure: and sometimes
he layed the terrour and feare of the goddes before their eyes, making
them beleeve that he had seene straunge visions, or that he had heard voyces,
by which the goddes dyd threaten them with some great troubles and plagues,
allwayes to pull downe and humble their heartes, unto the feare of the
goddes. This was the cause why they thought afterwardes that he had learned
his wisdome of Pythagoras the philosopher: bicause the greatest parte of
the philosophie of the one, and of the government of the other, consisted
in suche ceremonies, and divine studies. They reporte also that Numa dyd
put on the outwarde showe and semblaunce of Pythagoras holiness as following
his intention and example. For Pythagoras as they saye, made an eagle so
tame and gentle, that she would stoupe, and come downe to him by certaine
voyces, as she flewe in the ayer over his bead. And that passing through
the assembly of the games Olvmpicall, he shewed her thighe of golde, and
many other prety feates and deedes they tell of, which seemed to be wonderfull,
and for which Timon Phliasian hath written these verses of him: Pythagoras
which loved to dwell in dignitie, and had an harte to glorie bent, and
past in pollecie, Muche like a man which sought, by charmig to enchante,
did use this arte, to winne mens mindes, which unto him did haunte. {Prosper+}
His grave and pleasaunt tongue, in sugred speache did flowe, whereby he
drewe most mindes of men, to bent of his owne bowe. Even so the fayned
fable of Numa, which he so cunningly disguised, was about the love of a
goddesses or some Nymphe of the mountaine: with whom he seemed
<Plut1-176> NVMA to have certaine secret meetings and talke, whereof
we have spoken before. And it is sayed he muche frequented the Muses in
the woddes. For he would saye, he had the most parte of his revelations
of the Muses, and he taught the ROMAINES to reverence one of them above
all the rest, who was called Tacita, as ye would saye, ladye silence. It
seemeth he invented this, after the example of Pythagoras, who did so specially
commaund, & recomend silence unto his schollers. Againe, if we consider
what Numa ordeined concerning images, and the representation of the goddes,
it is alltogether agreable unto the doctrine of Pythagoras: who thought
that god was neither sensible, nor mortall, but invisible, incorruptible,
and only intelligible. And Numa dyd forbid the ROMAINES also to beleeve,
that god had ever forme, or likenes of beast or man. So that in those former
times, there was in ROME no image of god, either painted or graven: and
it was from the beginning a hundred three score and tenne yeres, that they
had buylt temples and chappels unto the godds in ROME, and yet there was
neither picture nor image of god within them. For they tooke it at the
first for a sacriledge, to present heavenly things by earthely formes:
seeing we cannot possibly any waye attaine to the knowledge of god, but
in minde and understanding. The very sacrifices which Numa ordeined, were
altogether agreable, and like unto the manner of serving of the goddes,
which the Pythagorians used. For in their sacrifices they spilt not the
bloude, but they did theirs commonly, with a litle meale, a litle sheading
of wine and milke, & with suche other light things, suche as affirme
that those two men did much company and were famillier together, doe laye
further proofes and arguments for the same. The first is this: That the
ROMAINES did make Pythagoras a free man of the cittie of ROME, as Fpicharmus
the Comicall poet an auncient writer (and sometimes one
NVMA <Plut1-177> of Pythagoras schollers) sayeth in a booke he wrote
and dedicated unto Antenor. The other proofe is: That Numa having had foure
children, called one of them Mamercus, after Pythagoras sonnes name, from
whom they saye is descended, the house of the AEmelians, which is the noblest
of the Patricians: for the King gave him the surname of AEmylius, bicause
of his sweete tongue and pleasaunt voyce. Furthermore, I my self have heard
saye many times in ROME, that the ROMAINES having receyved an oracle, which
commaunded them to set up images in their cittie, to the wisest and valeantest
man that ever was amongest the GRECIANS: caused two statues of brasse to
be set up in their market place, the one of Pythagoras, and the other of
Alcibiades. Howbeit to strive about this matter any further, seeing there
are so many doubtes: me thincketh it were but vaine. Moreover, they attribute
to Numa the first erection of the colledge pontifical]: and saye he him
selfe was the first Pontifex that ever was. But touching the name of Pontifex,
some will saye they were so called, bicause they chiefly were ordeined
& appointed for the service of the almightie: for this word potens
in the ROMAINE tongue, betokeneth mightie. Other thincke this name was
geven to them by their founders, as to exempt persones out of the worlde:
who enjoyned them to doe all the service and sacrifices to the goddes they
could possibly, and yet notwithstanding, if they had any other lawfull
let or impediment thereof, they were not straight condemned for omitting
the same. Howbeit the most parte doe bring out another derivation of this
name, wherein me thinckes there is litle reason. As that they should be
called pontifices, bicause they had the charge of maintenaunce of the bridge.
For that which the GRECIANS call gephyran, the LATINES call Pontem: that
is, a bridge. And to saye truely, the charges of repairing the bridge,
belongeth to the bishoppes: aswell as the keep-
<Plut1-178> NVMA ing of the most holy and unchaungeable ceremonies.
For the ROMAlNES thought it not only a thing unlawfull, but tooke it for
a most damnable & wicked acte, to destroye or breake the bridge of
wodde, which was only joyned together (as they saye) with pinnes of wodde,
and without any iron at all, by the commaundement of an olde oracle. But
the stone bridge was buylt long time after the raigne of Numa, and in the
time of the raigne of his nephew Martius. Nowe the first and chiefest of
these bisshopppes, which they call the great Pontifex, hath the place,
authoritie, and dignitie mof the high priest and master, of their pontificall
lawe: who should be carefull, not only about all publicke sacrifices and
ceremonies, but also about suche as were private, and to see that no man
privately should breake the auncient ceremonies, nor bring in any newe
thing into religion, but rather every man should be taught by him, how,
and after what sorte he should serve and honour the goddes. He also hath
the keping of the holy virgines which they call Vestales. For they doe
geve Numa the first foundation and consecrating of them, and the institution
also of keeping the immortall fire with honour and reverence, which these
virgines have the charge of. Either for that he thought it meete to commit
the substaunce of fire (being pure and cleane) unto the custodie of cleane
and uncorrupt maydes: or els bicause he thought the nature of fire (which
is barren, and bringeth forth nothing) was fittest, and most proper unto
virgines. For in GRECE, where they kept continuall fire likewise (as in
the temple of Apollo in DELPHES, and at ATHENS) the maydens doe not keepe
the same, but olde women which are past mariage. And if this fire chaunce
to faile, as they saye in ATHENS the holy lampe was put out in the time
of the tyrannie of Aristion: and in the cittie of DELPHES it was put out,
when the temple of Apollo was burnt by the MEDES: and
NVMA <Plut1-179> at ROME also, in the time of the warres that the
ROMAINES had against king Mithridates: and in the time of the civill warres,
when altar, fire, and all were burnt and consumed together: they saye that
it must not be lighted againe with other common fire, but must be made
a newe, with drawing cleane and pure flame from the beames of the sunne,
and that they doe in this manner. They have a hollowe vessell made of a
pece of a triangle, having a corner right, and two sides a like: so that
from all partes of his compasse and circumference, it fareth into one pointe.
Then they set this vessell right against the beames of the sunne, so that
the bright sunne beames come to assemble and gather together in the center
of this vessell, where they doe pearce the ayer so strongely, that they
set it a fire: and when they put to it any drye matter or substaunce, the
fire taketh it straight, bicause the beam of the sunne, by meanes of the
reverberation, putteth that drye matter into fire, & forceth it to
flame. Some thincke that these Vestall virgines keepe no other thing, but
this fire, which never goeth out. Other saye, there are other holy thinges
also, which no bodie maye lawfully see but they: whereof we have written
more largely in the life of Camillus, at the least so much as maye be learned
and tolde. The first maydens which were vowed and put into the order of
religion by Numa, were (as they saye) Gegania, and Verenia: and after them,
Canuleia and Tarpeia. Afterwardes king Servius increased the number with
two other, and that number of foure continueth untill this daye. Their
rule and order set downe by king Numa was this: that they should vowe chastitie
for the space of thirtie yeres. In the first tenne yeres they learne what
they have to doe: the next tenne yeres following, they doe that which they
have learned: and the last tenne yeres, they teache young novices. After
they have passed their thirtie yeres, they maye lawfully marie if they
be
<Plut1-180> NVMA disposed, and take them to another manner of life,
and leave their religion. But as it is reported, there have bene very fewe
of them which have taken this libertie, and fewer also which have joyed
after they were professed, but rather have repented them selves, and lived
ever after a very grievous and sorowfull life. This did so fraye the other
Vestalls, that they were better contented with their vowed chastitie: and
so remained virgines, untill they were olde, or els died. He gave them
also great priviledges, and prerogatives. As: to make their will and testament,
in their fathers life time. To doe all things without any gardian or overseer,
as women which have three children at a birth. When they goe abroade, they
carie maces before them to honour them. And if by chaunce they meete any
offendour in their waye, going to execution, they save his life: howbeit
the professed Vestall must affirme by othe, that she met him unwares, and
not of set purpose. If any man presume under their chayer, whereupon they
are caried through the cittie, he shall die for it. Also when they them
selves doe any faulte they are corrected by the great byshoppe who somtimes
doth whippe them naked (acording to the nature & qualitie of their
offence) in a darcke place, and under a curten. But she that hath deflowred
her virginity, is buried quicke by one of the gates of the cittie, which
they call Collina gate: where within the cittie there is a mount of earth
of a good length, and with the LATINES is sayed to be raised. Under this
forced mount, they make a litle hollowe vawte, & leave a hole open,
whereby one maye goe downe: and with in it there is set a litle bed, a
burning lampe, and some vitells to susteine life withall. As a litle bread,
a litle water, a litle milke, and a litle oyle, and that for honours sake:
to the ende they would not be thought to famishe a bodie to deathe, which
had bene consecrated by the most holy and devoute ceremonies of
NVMA <Plut1-181> the worlde. This done, they take the offender,
and put her into a litter, which they cover strongely, and close it up
with thicke leather in suche sorte, that no bodie canne so much as heare
her voyce, and so they carie her thus shut up through the market place.
Every one draweth backe, when they see this litter a farre of, and doe
geve it place to passe by: and then follow it mourningly, with heavy lookes,
and speake never a word. They doe nothing in the citie more fearefull to
behold, then this: neither is there any daye wherein the people are more
sorowful, then on such a daye. Then after she is come to the place of this
vawte, the sergeants straight unlose these fast bounde coverings: and the
chiefe byshoppe after he hath made certen secret prayers unto the godds,
and lift his handes up to heaven, taketh out of the litter, the condemned
Vestall muffled up close, and so putteth her upon the ladder, which conveyeth
her downe into the vawte. That done, he withdraweth, and all the priestes
with him: and when the seely offendour is gone downe, they straight plucke
up the ladder, and cast aboundaunce of earthe in at the open hole, so that
they fill it up to the very toppe of the arche. And this is the punishment
of the Vestalls which defile their virginide. They thincke also it was
Numa that buylt the round temple of the goddesse Vesta, in which is kept
the everlasdng fire: meaning to reptesent not the forme of the earth, which
they saye is Vesta, but the figure of the whole world, in the middest whereof
(according to the Pythagorians opinion) remaineth the proper seate and
abiding place of fire, which they call Vesta, and name it the unitie. For
they are of opinion, neither that the earth is unmoveable, nor yet that
it is set in the middest of the world, neither that the heaven goeth about
it: but saye to the contrarie, that the earth hanged in the ayer about
the fire, as about the center thereof. Neither will they graunte, that
the earth {Copernicus+}
<Plut1-182> NVMA is one of the first and chiefest partes of the
world: as Plato held opinion in that age, that the earthe was in another
place than in the very middest, and that the center of the world, as the
most honorablest place did apperteine to some other of more worthy substaunce
than the earthe. Furthermore, the byshoppes office was to show those that
needed to be taught, all the rites, manners, and customes of buriall: whom
Numa taught not to beleeve that there was any corruption or dishonesty
in burialles, but rather it was to worshippe and honour the godds of the
earthe, with usuall and honorable ceremonies, as those which after their
death receyve the chiefest service of us that they canne. But above all
other in burialles, they did specially honour the goddesse called Libitina,
that is sayed, the chiefe governour and preserver of the rites of the dead:
or be it Proserpina, or Venus, as the most learned men among the ROMAINES
doe judge, who not without cause doe attribute the order of the beginning
and ende of mans life, to one self god, and power divine. Numa ordeined
also, how long time every bodie should mourne+ in blackes. And for a childe
from three yeres to tenne yeres of age, that died: he ordeined they should
mourne no more monethes then it had lived yeres, and not to adde a daye
more. For he commaunded, that the longest time of mourning should be but
ten moneths onely, and so long time at the least he willed women should
remaine widdowes, after the decease of their husbands: or els she that
would marie within that time, was bounde by his order to sacrifice a whole
bullocke. Numa also erected many other orders of priestes: of two sortes
whereof I will only make mention. The one shal be the order of the SALII,
and the other of the FECIALIES: for me thinckes, both the one and the other
doth manifestly showe the great holiness and singular devotion which he
had in him. The FECIALES are properly those, which
NVMA <Plut1-183> the GRECIANS call IRENOPHYLACES, as who would saye,
peacekeepers. And in my judgement, they had their right name according
to their office, bicause they did pacifie quarells with reason by waye
of order, and did not suffer (as much as in them laye) that any matter
should be tried by violence, untill they were past all hope of any peace+.
For the GRECIANS Call it properly Irenen, when both parties agree, and
decide their controversie with reason, and not with sworde. Even so those
which the ROMAINES called the Feciales, went many times in persone to those
that dyd the ROMAINES injurie, and sought to persuade them with good reason,
to keepe promise with the ROMAINES, and to offer them no wrong. But if
they would not yeld to reason, whom they sought to persuade: then they
called the goddes to the witnes thereof, and prayed them, that if they
dyd not most earnestly incense the ROMAINES, to pursue that most justely
apperteined unto their right, that all evills and mischieves of the warres
might fall upon them selves, & on their countrie. This done, they dyd
threaten open warres against such enemies. And if the FECIALES would not
consent to open warres, and dyd happen to speake against them: it was not
lawfull in that case, neither for private persone, nor for the King him
selfe to make any warres. But like a just prince, he must have leave by
their sufferance to make the warres. Then dyd he consider, and consult,
by what meanes he might best procure, and prosecute the same. Concerning
this matter, they judge that the ill happe which came to the ROMAINES,
when the cittie of ROME was taken and sacked by the GAVLES, chaunced justely
for breaking of this holy institution. For at that time, the barbarous
people besieged the cittie of the CLVSINIANS: and Fabius Ambustus was sent
ambassadour unto them, to see if he could make peace betweene them. The
barbarous people gave him an ill aunswer:
<Plut1-184> NVMA whereupon Fabius thincking his embasie had bene
ended, and being somwhat whotte, and rashe in defence of the CLVSINIANS,
gave defiaunce to the valliantest GAVLE, there, to fight with him man to
man. Fortune favored him in this chalenge: for he slew the GAVLE, and stripped
him in the fielde. The GAVLES seeing their man slayne, sent immediately
an heraulde to ROME, to accuse Fabius, howe against all right and reason,
he beganne warres with them, without any open proclamation made before.
The FECIALES being then consulted with thereabout, did declare, he ought
to be delivered into the handes of the GAVLES, as one that had broken the
lawe of armes, and had deserved it: but he made friends to the people which
favored him very much, & by their meanes escaped his deliverie, and
punishment. Neverthles, the GAVLES within shorte time after, came before
ROME with all their power: which they tooke, sacked, & burnt every
whit, saving the Capitoll, as we have written more amplie in the life of
Camillus. Now concerning the Priestes that were called Salii they saye
he dyd institute them upon this occasion. In the eight yere of his reigne,
there came a pestilent disease through all ITALIE, and at the length it
crept also into ROME. Whereat every man being greatly affrayed, and discoraged,
they saye there fell from heaven a target of copper, which lighted betweene
the handes of Numa. They tell hereof a wonderfull tale, which the King
him selfe affirmed he heard, of the Nymphe Egeria, and the Muses. To wit,
that this target was sent from heaven, for the health and preservation
of the cittie: and therefore he should keepe it carefully, & cause
eleven other to be cast and made, all like unto the same in facion and
greatness to the ende, that if any would enterprise to steale it, he should
not tell which of them to take for the right target. Moreover he said,
he was commaunded to consecrate the place to the Muses (in the
NVMA <Plut1-185> which he dyd oftentimes companie with them) and
also the fieldes which were neere thereabouts: and likewise to geve the
fountains that sprange in that place, unto the Vestalls professed, that
every daye they might drawe water at that well, to washe the sanctuarie
of their temple. The successe hereof proved his words true, for the sicknes
ceased incontinently. So he assembled all the chief craftes men then in
ROME to prove which of them would take upon him to make one like unto that.
Every man despayred to performe it. Howbeit one called Veturius Mamurius
(the excellentest workeman that was in those dayes) dyd make them all so
sute like, that Numa him selfe dyd not knowe the first target, when they
were all layed together. So he ordeined these priests Salii to have the
custodie of these targets, to see them safe kept. They were called Salii
not after the name of a SALIAN borne in SAMOTHRACIA, or in MANTINEA, as
some have untruely alleaged, who first invented the manner of dauncing
all armed: but they were so called, of their facion and manner of dauncing,
and leaping. For in the moneth of Marche, they goe skipping & leaping
up & downe the cittie with those targetes on their armes, apparelled
in red cassockes without sleves, and girded about with broade leather sworde
girders, studded with copper, having helmets of copper on their heads,
and striking upon their targets with shorte daggers, which they carie in
their hands. Moreover, all their dauncing consisteth in moving of their
feete: for they handle them finely, making tornes above ground and beneath,
with a sodaine measure, and a marvelous force of agilitie. They call these
targets Anglia, bicause of their facion, which is not altogether compasse:
for they are not all round as other common targets be, but they are cut
with circles wreathed about, both the endes bowing in many foldes, and
one so neere another, that altogether they come to a
<Plut1-186> NVMA certaine wreathed forme, which the GRECIANS call
Angion. Or els they are so called, bicause Ancon signifieth an elbow, upon
which they carie them. All these derivations are written in the historie
of Juba, who in any case will have this word Anglia to be drawen out of
the Greeke tongue. And it maye be also they were so called, bicause the
first came from above, which the GRECIANS call Anecathen: or els for healing
the sicke, which is called Acesis. Or els for ceasing of the drines, which
in Greke is called, Anchmon Lysis. Or for the ending of all diseases and
evills, for which cause the ATHENIANS call Caftor and Pollux, Anacas: if
they lust to geve this word his derivation from the Greeke tongue. Now
the reward which Mamurius the goldsmithe had for the making of these targets
was, that the Salii unto this daye doe make mention of him, in their songe,
which they singe going through the cittie, and dauncing of their daunce
all armed. Howbeit some thincke they saye not Veturius Mamurius, but veterem
memoriam, auncient memorie. But Numa after he had ordeined & instituted
these orders of priests, built his palace neere unto the temple of Vesta,
which holdeth his name Regia at this daye, to saye, the Kings palace. In
which he remained most part of his life, studying either to sacrifice to
the goddes, or to teache the Priestes what they should doe, or howe with
them he should best contemplate all heavenly things. It is true that he
had another house on the hill, which they call at this daye, Quirinall,
the place whereof is yet to be seene. But in all these sacrifices, ceremonies,
and processions of the Priestes, there were allwayes husshers that went
before, crying to the people, kepe silence, and tend upon divine service.
For they saye the Pythagorians thought it good, that men shoudld not worshippe
the godds, nor make prayers to them in passing by, or doing any other thing:
but they thought it mete, that men should of pur-
NVMA <Plut1-187> pose goe out of their houses, to serve and praye
unto them. Even so king Numa thought it not meete, that his subjects should
come to see, and heare divine service negligently, as it were for a facion,
and only to be ryd of it, as heeding an other thing: but he would have
them set a side all other busines and employ their thoughts and harts only
upon the principal service of religion, and devotion towards the godds.
So that during service time, he would not have heard any noise, any knocking,
bounsing, or any clapping, as they commonly heare in all artificers shoppes
of occupation, whereof at this daye yet they see some signes, & tokens,
remaining in their sacrifices at ROME. For all the time the Augure beholdeth
the flying of the birds, or that he is doing any sacrifice, the vergers
crie alowde: Hoc age, which meaneth, tend this. And it is a warning to
those that are present, to call their witte home, and to thincke on that
which is in hand. Also there are many of his orders like the preceptes
of the Pythagorians. For as they dyd warne men, not to sit upon a litle
busshell, not to cut fire with a sword, not to looke behinde them when
they goe abroade: to sacrifice to the celestiall godds in an odde number,
and to the goddes of the earth in an even number, of which precepts, they
would not have the common people to have any knowledge or understanding.
Even so there are many institutions of Numa, the reasons whereof are hidden
& kept secret: as not to offer wine to the godds of the vine never
cut, and not to sacrifice unto them without meale: & to turne a turne
about when they doe reverence to the godds, & to sit down after they
have worshipped them. And as touching the two first ordinances, it seemeth
that by them he did recommend clemency, and humanity, as being a parte
of the devotion towards the godds. But as for the turning which he willeth
them to make, that worshippe the goddes: they saye it representeth the
<Plut1-188> NVMA turning which the element maketh by his moving.
But me thincketh it should rather come of this: for that the temples being
set to the east, he that worshippeth entring into the temple, sheweth his
backe to the West, and for this cause turneth towardes that parte, &
afterwards returneth againe towards god: doing the whole turne, and ending
the consummation of his prayer, by this double adoration which he maketh
before and behinde. Onles peradventure that he ment secretly to signifie,
& geve them to understande by this turning and chaunging of their looke,
that which the ECYPTIANS figured by their wheels: in showing therby, that
these worldly things were never constant and in one state. And therfore,
that we should take it thankfully, and paciently beare it, in what sorte
soever it pleased god to chaunge or alter our life. And where he commaunded
that they should sit after they had worshipped god: they sayed it was a
token of a good hope unto them that prayed, that their prayers should be
exalted, and that their goods should remaine safe, and sticke by them.
Other saye, that this ease and sitting, is a separating them from doing:
and therfore he would they should sit in the temples of the godds, to shew
they had done that which they had in hand before, to the end to take of
the godds the beginning of another. And it maye well be also, that it was
referred to the thing we spake of a litle before. That Numa would accustome
his people, not to serve the godds, nor to speake to them at all, as they
passed by, or did any other thing, or were in haste: but would have them
praye unto the godds when they had time and leysure, and all other busines
at that time set a parte. By this good instruction and training of them
unto religion, the cittie of ROME by litle and litle came to be so tractable,
and had the great power of king Numa in such admiration: that they tooke
all to be as true as the gospell that he spake, though it had no more
NVMA <Plut1-189> likelyhood of trothe, then tales devised of pleasure.
Furthermore, they thought nothing incredible, or unpossible to him, if
he would have it. And for proofe hereof, there goeth a tale of him, that
he having bidden a great company of the cittizens of ROME tocome and suppe
with him, caused them to be served with plaine grosse meate, and in very
poore and homely vessell. And when they were set, and beganne to fall to
their meate, he cast out words sodainely unto them, how the goddesse with
whom he accompanied, was come to see him even at that instant, and that
sodainely the hall was tichely furnished, and the tables covered with all
sortes of excellent fine and delicate meates. Howbeit this farre passed
all the vanity of lying which is found written of him, about his speaking
with Jupiter. The hill Aventine was not at that time inhabited, nor inclosed
within the walles of ROME, but was full of springs and shadowed groves,
whether commonly repaired to solace them selves, the two godds, Picus and
Faunus, which otherwise might be thought two Satyres, or of the race of
the Titanians: saving it is sayed, that they went through all ITALIE, doing
the like miracles and wonders in phisycke, charmes and arte magike, which
they reporte of those the GRECIANS call Idaees Dactyles. There they saye
that Numa tooke them both, having put into the spring both wine and honnie,
where they used to drinke. When they saw that they were taken, they transformed
them selves into divers forms, disguising and disfiguring their naturall
shape, into many terrible and feareful sights to behold. Nevertheles in
the end, perceiving they were so fast, as to escape there was no reckoning:
they revealed unto him many things to come, and taught him the purifying
against lightning and thunder, which they make yet at this daye with onions,
heare, and pitchers. Other saye, he was not taught that by them, but that
they fetched Jupi-
<Plut1-190> NVMA ter out of heaven, with their conjuring and magicke:
whereat Jupiter being offended aunswered in choller that he should make
it with heads. But Numa added straight, of onions: Jupiter replied, of
men. Then Numa asked him againe to take a litle away the cruelty of the
commaundement: What heares? Jupiter aunsweted, quicke hears. And Numa put
to pilchers also. And it is reported that this was the goddesse Egeria,
that taught Numa this subtiltie. This done, Jupiter returned appeased:
by reason whereof the place was called Ilicium. For Ileos in the Greeke
tongue signifieth appeased, & favorable: & this purifying was afterwards
made in that sorte. These tales not onely vayne, but fall of mockerie also,
doe show us yet plainely the zeale and devotion men had in those times
towards the godds: unto which Numa through custome had wonne them. And
as for Numa him self, they saye that he so firmely put all his hope and
confidence in the helpe of the godds: that one daye when he was told his
enemies were in armes against him, he did but laugh at it, and aunswered.
And I doe sacrifice. It is he (as some saye) that fitst built a temple
to Faith and Terme: and which made the ROMAINES understand, that the most
holy and greatest othe they could make, was to sweare by their faith, which
they kepe yet at this daye. But Terme, which signifieth bounds, is the
god of confines, or borders: unto whom they doe sacrifice, both publickly
and privately, upon the limites of inheritaunces, & now they sacrifice
unto him five beasts. Howbeit in old time they did sacrifice unto him without
any bloude, through the wise institution of Numa: who declared & preached
unto them, that this god of bounds was syncere, and upright, without bloud
or murther, as he that is a witnes of justice, and a keper of peace. It
was he, which in my opinion, did first limit out the bounds of the territorie
of ROME: which Romulus would never doe, for feare least
NVMA <Plut1-191> in bounding out his owne, he should confesse that
which he occupied of other mens. For bounding and mearing, to him that
will keepe it justely: is a bond that brideles power and desire. But to
him that forceth not to kepe it: it is a proofe to shew his injustice.
To saye truely, the territories of ROIE had no great bounds at the first
beginning, and Romulus had got by conquest the greatest parte of it, and
Numa did wholy devide it unto the nedie inhabitans to releve them, and
to bring them out of poverty: (which carieth men hedlong into mischief,
and discourageth them to labour) to the end that plowing up the said lande,
they should also plowe up the weedes of their own barrenness to become
civill and gentle. For there is no exercise nor occupation in the world,
which so sodainely bringeth a man, to love and desire quietness as doth
hushandrie_and_tillage+: and yet to defend a mans own, there is in it corage
& hardines to fight. But greedy desire, violently to take from others,
and unjustely to occupie that is none of theirs, is never in right husbandmen.
And therfore Numa having brought in husbandrie amongest his subjects, as
a medecine and meane to make them love quietnes: was desirous to inure
them to this trade of life, the rather to make them humble and gentle of
condition, then to increase them in riches. He devided all the territorie
of ROME into certen parts which he called Pagos: as much to saye, as villages.
And in every one of them he ordeined controllers & visiters, which
should survey all about: and he him self somtimes went abroade in persone,
conjecturing by their labour, the manners and nature of every man. Such
as he found diligent, he advaunced them unto honour, & gave them countenaunce
and authoritie: other which he sawe slowthfull & negligent, by rebuking
and reproving of them, he made them amend. But amongest all his ordinaunces
which he made, one above all the rest caried the praise: and that was,
that
<Plut1-192> NVMA he devided his people into sundrie occupations.
For the cittie of ROME seemed yet to be made of two nations, as we have
sayed before: and to speake more properly, it was made of two tribes. So
that it could not, or would not for any thing be made one: being altogether
impossible to take away all factions, and to make there should be no quarrells
nor contentions betwene both parts. Wherefore he considered, that when
one will mingle two bodies or simples together, which for their hardnes
and contrarie natures cannot well suffer mixture: then he breaks and beates
them together, as small as may be. For, so being brought into a smaller
and lesser powder, they would incorporate & agree the better. Even
so he thought it was hest to devide the people also into many small partes:
by meanes whereof they should be put into many parties, which would more
easely take away the first and the greatest parte, when it should be devided
and separated thus into sundrie sorts. And this division he made by arts
and occupations: as minstrells, goldsmiths, carpinters, diers, shoemakers,
tawers, tanners, bell founders, and pot makers, and so forth through other
craftes and occupations. So that he brought every one of these into one
bodie, and companie by it self. and ordeined unto every particular mysterie
or crafte, their feasts, assemblies, and services, which they should make
unto the godds, according to the dignitie and worthines of every occupation.
And by this meanes, he first tooke away all faction+: that neither side
sayed, nor thought any more, those are SABYNES, these are ROMAINFS, these
are of Tatius, these are of Romulus. Insomuch as this division was an incorporating,
and an uniting of the whole together. Among other his ordinaunces, they
did much commend his reforming of the law, that gave libertie unto fathers
to sell their children. For he did except chil-
NVMA <Plut1-193> dren already maried, so they were maried with their
fathers consent and goodwill: judging it to be to cruell and over hard
a thine, that a woman who thought she had maried a free man, should find
her self to be the wife of a bond man. He beganne also to mende a litle
the calender, not so exactly as he should have done, nor yet altogether
ignorantly. For during the raigne of Romulus, they used the moneths confusedly,
without any order or reason making some of them twenty dayes and lesse,
and others five and thirtie dayes and more, without knowing the difference
betwene the course of the sunne and the moone: and only they observed this
rule, that there was three hundred & three score dayes in the yere.
But Numa considering the inequality stoode upon eleven dayes, for that
the 12. revolutions of the moone are ronne in 300. fiftie and foure dayes,
and the revolution of the sunne, in-365. dayes, he doubled the 11. dayes,
whereof he made a moneth: which he placed from 2 yeres to 2 yeres, after
the moneth of February, and the ROMAINES called this moneth put betwene,
Mercidinum, which had 22. dayes. And this is the correction that Numa made,
which since hath had a farre better amendment. He did also chaunge the
order of the moneths. For Marche which before was the first, he made it
now the third: and January the first, which under Romulus was the 11. and
February the 12. & last. Yet many are of opinion, that Numa added these
two, January and February. For the ROMAINEs at the beginning had but tenne
moneths in the yere: as some of the barbarous people make but three moneths
for their yere. And the ARCADIANS amongest the GRECIANS have but foure
moneths for their yere. The ARCARNANIANS have sixe to the yere. And the
EGYPTIANS had first but one moneth to their yere: & afterwards they
made foure moneths for their yere. And this is the cause why they
<Plut1-194> NVMA seeme (albeit they inhabite in a new countrie)
to be nevertheles the auncientest people of the world: for that in their
chronicles they reckon up such infinite number of yeres, as those which
counte the moneths for the yeres. And to prove this true, that the ROMAINES
at the beginning had but tenne moneths in the yere, and not twelve: it
is easely to be judged by the name of the last, which they call at this
daye December. And that the moneth of Marche was also the first, maye be
conjectured by this: for the fift moneth after that, is yet called Quintilis:
the 6 Sextilis, and so the other in order following the numbers. For if
January and February had then bene the first, of necessitie the moneth
of July, which they call Quintilis, must have bene named September: considering
also that it is very likely, that the moneth which Romulus had dedicated
unto Mars, was also by him ordeined to be the first. The second was Aprill:
so called of the name Aphrodite, that is to saye Venus, unto whom they
make open sacrifice in this moneth. And on the first daye of the same,
women doe washe them selves, having a garland of myrtle upon their heades.
{mayday+} Howbeit some other saye, that it was not called after the name
of Aphrodite, but it was only called Aprilis, bicause then is the chiefest
force and strength of the spring, at which season the earth doth open,
and the seedes of plants and erbes beginne to bud and showe forth, which
the word it selfe doth signifie. The moneth following next after that,
is called Maye: after the name of Maia, the mother of Mercurie, unto whom
the moneth is consecrated. The moneth of June is so called also, bicause
of the quality of that season, which is as the youthe of the yere. Although
some will saye, that the moneth of Maye was named of this word Majores,
which signifieth as much as the elders: and the moneth of June, of Juniores,
which signifies the younger
NVMA <Plut1-195> men. All the other following, were named in old
time by the numbers according to their order, Quintilis, Sextilis, September,
October, November, & December. But Quintilis, was afterward called
Iulius, of the name of Julius Caesar, who slew Pompeius. And Sextilis was
named Augustus, Octavius Caesars successour in the empire, who was also
surnamed Augustus. It is true also that Domitian would they should call
the two moneths following (which are September & October) the one Germanicus,
& the other Domitianus. But that helde not longe: for so soone as Domitian
was killed, the moneths recovered their auncient names againe. The two
last moneths only, have ever continued their names, without chaunging or
altering. But of the two which Numa added, or at the least translated:
the moneth df February doth signifie as much as purging, or at the least
the derivation of the word sowndeth neere it. In this moneth, they doe
sacrifice of plantes, and doe celebrate the feast of the Lupercales, in
which there are many things agreable, and like to the sacrifices made for
purification. And the first, which is January, was called after the name
of Janus. Wherefore me thinckes that Numa tooke away the moneth of Marche
from the first place, and gave it unto January: bicause he would have peace
preferred before warre, and civill things before marshall. For this Janus
(were he King, or demigod) in the former age was counted very civill &
polllticke. For he chaunged the life of men, which before his time was
rude, cruell, and wild: and brought it to be honest, gentle, and civill.
For this cause they doe painte his image at this daye with two faces, the
one before, and the other behinde, for thus chaunging the lives of men.
And there is in ROME a temple dedicated unto him, which hath two doores,
that be called the doores of warre: for the custome is to open them, when
the ROMAINES have any warres in any place,
<Plut1-196> NVMA and to shut them when they be at peace. To have
them shut, it was a rare thinge to see, and happened very seldome: by reason
of the greatnes of their empire, which of all sides was environned with
barbarous nations whom they were compelled to keepe under with force of
armes. Notwithstanding it was once shut up in the time of Augustus, after
he had slaine Antonie: and once before also in the yere when Marcus Attillius
and Titus Manlius were Consuls. But that continued not long, for it was
opened again incontinently, by reason of warres that came upon them sone
after. Howbeit during the raigne of Numa, it was never one day opened,
but remained shut continually by the space of three and forty yeres together.
For all occasions of warres, were then utterly dead and forgotten: bicause
at ROME the people were not only through the example of justice, clemencie,
and the goodnes of the King brought to be quiet, and to love peace: but
in the citties thereabouts, there begmne a marvelous chaunge of manners
& alteration of life, as if some gentle ayer had breathed on them,
by some gratious and healthfull wind, blowen from RomE {unilat_disarm+}
to refresh them. And thereby bred in mens mindes such a harty desire to
live in peace, to till the ground, to bring up their children, and to serve
the goddes truely: that almost through all ITALIE, there was nothing but
feastes, playes, sacrifices, and bankets. The peopl did traffike and frequent
together, without feare or daunger, and visited one another, making great
cheere: as if out of the springing fountains of Numaes wisedom many pretie
brookes and streames of good and honest life had ronne over all ITALIE,
and had watered it: and that the mildnes of his wisdom had from hand to
hand bene dispersed through the whole world. Insomuch, as the over excessive
speaches the Poets accustomably doe use, were not sufficient enough to
expresse the peaceable raigne of that time.
NVMA <Plut1-197> There: spiders weave, their cobwebbes daye and
night in harnesses, which wont to serve for warre: there: cancred rust
doth fret, the aeele full bright of trenchant blades, well whet in many
a larre. There: mighie speares for lacke of use are eaten, with rotten
wormes: and in that countrie there, the braying trompe dothe never seeme
to threaten, their quiet eares, with blasts of bloudy feare. There: in
that lande, no drowsie sleepe is broken, with hotte alarmes, which terrours
doe betoken. For during all king Numaes raigne, it was never heard that
ever there were any warres, civil dissention, or innovation of government
attempted against him, nor yet any secret enmitie or malice borne him,
neither any conspiracie once thought on to reigne in his place. And whether
it was for feare of displeasing the godds (which visibly seemed to take
him into their protection) or for the reverent regarde they had unto his
vertue, or for his prosperous and good successe all the time he raigned,
I cannot tell: howbeit he sought to keepe men still pure, and honest, from
all wickedness and layed most open before the eyes of the whole world,
a very example of that which Plato long time after did affirme, and saye,
concerning true government: which was. That the only meane of true quietness
and remedy from all evill (which ever troubleth men) was: when by some
divine ordinaunce from above there meteth in one person, the right majestie
of a King, and the minde of a wise philosopher, to make vertue governesse
and ruler over vice. For in deede happie is such a wise man, and more happy
are they, which maye heare the grave counsaill, and good lessons of such
a mouthe. And there me thincks needeth no force, no compulsion, no threates,
nor extremitie to bridle the people. For men seeing the true image of vertue
in their
<Plut1-198> NVMA visible prince, and in the example of his life,
do willingly growe to be wise, and of them selves doe fall into love, liking,
and friendshippe together, and doe use all temperaunce, just dealing, and
good order one toward another, leading their life without offence, and
with the commendation of other: which is the chiefe pointe of felicitie,
and the more happie good that can light unto men. And he by nature is best
worthy to be a King, who through his wisdome & vertue, can graffe in
mens manners such a good disposition: and t@s,LVuma above all other, seemed
best to knowe and underaand. Furthermore, touching his wives and children,
there are great contrarieties among the historiographers. For some of them
saye, he never maried other wife then Tatia, and that he never had any
children, but one only daughter, and she was called Pompilia. Other write
to the contrarie, that he had foure sonnes, Pompo, Pinus, Calpus, and Mamercus:
of every one of the which (by succession from the father to the sonne)
have descended the noblest races, & most auncient houses of the ROMAINES.
As the house of the Pomponians, of Pompo: the house of the Pinarians, of
Pinus: the house of the Caphurnians, of Calpus: and the house of the Mamercians,
of Mamercus. All which families by reason of their first progenitor have
kept the surname of Reges, Kings. There are three other writers, which
doe reprove the two first: saying that they dyd write to gratifie the families,
making them falsely to descend of the noble race of king Numa. Moreover
it is sayed, he had his daughter Pompilia, not by Tatia, but by his otherwise
called Lucretia, whom he maried after he was made King. Howbeit they all
agree, that his daughter Pompilia was maried unto one Martius, the sonne
of the same Martius, which persuaded him to accept the kingdome of ROME.
For he went with him to ROME, to remaine there: where they dyd him the
honour to receyve
NVMA <Plut1-199> him into the number of the Senatours. After the
death of Numa, Martius the father stoode against Tullus Hostilius for the
succession of the Realme, and being overcome, he killed him selfe for sorowe.
But his sonne Martius, who maried Pompilia, continued still at ROME, where
he begotte Ancus Martius, who was king of ROME after Tullus Hostilius,
and was but five yere olde when Numa dyed. Whose death was not sodaine.
For he dyed consuming by litle and litle, aswell through age, as also through
a lingring disease that waited on him to his ende, as Piso hath written:
and Numa at his death was litle more, then foure score yere old. But the
pompe and honour done unto him at his funeralles, made his life yet more
happie and glorious. {posterity+} For all the people his neighhours, friendes,
kinsemen, and allies of the ROMAINES came thither, bringing crownes with
them, & other publicke contributions to honour his obsequies. The noble
men selves of the cittie (which were called Patricians) caried on their
shoulders the very bedd, on which the course laye, to be conveyed to his
grave. The Priestes attended also on his bodie, and so dyd all the rest
of the people, women and children in like case, which followed him to his
tumbe, all bewaling and lamenting his death, with teares, sighes, and mournings.
Not as a King dead for very age, but as they had mourned for the death
of their dearest kinseman, and nearest friende that had dyed before he
was olde. They burnt not his bodie, bicause (as some saye) he commaunded
the contrarie by his will & testament: but they made two coffines of
stone, which they buried at the foote of the hill called Janiculum. In
the one they layed his bodie, & in the other the holy bookes which
he had written him selfe, much like unto those, which they that made the
lawes among the GRECIANS dyd write in tables. But bicause in his life time
he had taught the priestes, the substaunce of the whole contein-
<Plut1-200> NVMA ed in the same: he willed the holy tables which
he had written, should be buried with his bodie. For he thought it not
reasonable that so holy matters should be kept by dead letters and writings,
but by mens manners & exercises. And he followed herein they saye,
the Pythagorians, who would not put their worckes in writing, but dyd printe
the knowledge of them in their memories, whom they knew to be worthy men,
and that without any writing at all. And if they had taught any manner
of persone the hidden rules and secretes of Geometrie, which had not bene
worthy of them: then they sayed the goddes by manifest tokens would threaten,
to revenge such sacriledge and impietie, with some great destruction &
miserie. Therefore, seeing so many things agreable, and altogether like
betweene Numa and Pythagoras, I easely pardone those which mainteine their
opinion, that Numa and Pythagoras were familiarly acquainted, and conversant
together. Valerius Antias the historian writeth, there were twelve bookes
written concerning the office of Priestes, and twelve other containing
the philosophie of the GRECIANS. And that foure hundred yeres after (in
the same yere when Publius Cornelius, and Marcus Bebius were consuls) there
fell a great rage of waters and raine, which opened the earthe, & discovered
these coffines: and the liddes and covers thereof being caried awaye, they
founde the one altogether voyde, having no manner of likelyhoode, or token
of a bodie that had layen in it: and in the other they founde these bookes,
which were delivered unto one named Petilius (at that time Prator) who
had the charge to reade them over, and to make the reporte of them. But
he having perused them over, declared to the Senate, that he thought it
not convenient the matters contained in them should be published unto the
simple people: and for that cause they were caried into the market place,
and there were openly
NVMA <Plut1-201> burnte. Surely it is a common thing, that happeneth
unto all good and just men, that they are farre more praysed and esteemed
after their death, then before: bicause that envie doth not long continue
after their death, & oftentimes it dieth before them. But notwithstanding,
the misfortunes which chaunced afterwardes unto the five Kings which raigned
at ROME after Numa, have made his honour shine, with much more noble glorie
then before. For the last of them was driven out of his Kingdome, &
died in exile, after he was very olde. And of the other foure, none of
them died their naturall death, but three of them were killed by treason.
And Tullus Hostilius which raigned after Numa, deriding, and contemning
the most parte of his good and holy institutions, and chiefly his devotion
towardes the goddes, as a thing which made men lowly and fainte harted:
dyd assone as ever he came to be King, turne all his subjects hartes to
the warres. But this mad humour of his, continued not long. For he was
plagued with a straunge, and most grievous disease that followed him, which
brought him to chaunge his minde, and dyd farre otherwise turne his contempt
of Religion, into an overfearfull supersdtion, which dyd nothing yet resemble
the true Religion and devotion of Numa: and besides, he infected others
with his contagious errour, through the inconvenience which happened unto
him at his death. For he was striken and burnt with lightning. THE COMPARISON
OF LYCVRGVS WITH NUMA@ THUS having written the lives of Lycurgus and Numa,
the matter requireth, though it be somewhat harde to doe, that we comparing
the one with the other, should set out the difference betweene
<Plut1-202> LYCVRGVS & NVMA them. For in those things wherein
they were like of condition, their deedes doe shewe it sufficiently. As
in their temperaunce, their devotion to the goddes, their wisdome in governing,
and their discreete handling of their people, by making them beleeve that
the goddes had revealed the lawes unto them, which they established. And
nowe to come unto their qualities, which are diversely, and severally commendedin
either of them. Their first qualitie is, that Numa accepted the Kingdome,
and Lycurgus gave it up. The one received it, not seeking for it: and the
other having it in his handes, did restore it againe. The one being a gtraunger,
and a private man: was by straungers elected and chosen, their lorde and
King. The other being in possession a King, made him selfe againe a private
persone. Suer it is a goodly thing to obtaine a Realme by justice: but
it is a goodlier thing to esteeme justice above a Realme. Vertue brought
the one to be in such reputation, that he was judged worthy to be chosen
a King: and vertue bred so noble a minde in the other, that he esteemed
not to be a King. {generosity+} Their second qualitie is, that like as
in an instrument of musicke, the one of them did tune & wrest up the
slacke stringes which were in SPARTA: so the other slackened, and set them
lower, which were to highe mounted in ROME. Wherein Lycurgus difficulty
was the greater. For he did not persuade his cittizens, to plucke of their
armour and curates, nor to laye by their swordes: but only to leave their
golde and silver, to forsake their softe beddes, their fine wrought tables,
and other curious riche furniture, and not to leave of the travell of warres,
to geve them selves only unto feastes, sacrifices, and playes. But to the
contrarie, to geve up bancketing and feasting, and continually to take
paynes in the warres, yelding their bodies to all kinde of paynes. By which
meanes, the one for the love and reverence they did beare him, easely per-
LYCVRGVS & NVMA <Plut1-203> suaded all that he would: and the
other, by putting him selfe in daunger, & being hurte also, obtained
not without great travell and adventure, the end of his intended purpose
and desire. Numa his muse was so gentle, loving, & curteous, that the
manners of his cittizens, which before were furious and violent, were now
so tractable and civill, that he taught them to love peace and justice.
And to the contraries if they will compell me to number amongest the lawes
and ordinaunces of Lycurgus, that which we have written touching the ILOTES,
which was a barbarous cruell thing: I must of force confesse that Numa
was muche wiser, more gentle, and civill in his lawes, considering that
even unto those which in deede were borne slaves, he gave some litle tast
of honour, and sweetnes of libertie, having ordained, that in the feastes
of Saturne, they should sit downe at meate, at their masters owne table.
Some holde opinion, that this custome was brought in by king Numa: who
willed that those, which through their labour in tillage brought in much
fruite, should have some pleasure thereof to make good cheere with the
first fruites of the same. Other imagine, that it is yet a token and remembraunce
of the equalitie, which was emongest men in the world in Saturnes time,
when there was neither mafter nor servaunte, but all men were a like equall,
as brethern or kinsemen. To conclude, it seemeth either of them tooke a
direst course, thought best to them selves, to frame their people unto
temperaunce, and to be contented with their owne. But for their other vertues,
it appeareth that the one loved warre best, and the other justice: onles
it were that men would saye, that for the diversitie of the nature or custome
of their people (which were almost conttarie in manners) they were both
compelled to use also contrary and divers meanes from other. For it was
not of a fainte harte, that Numa tooke from his people the use of armes,
<Plut1-204> LYCVRGVS & NVMA and desire to be in warres: but
it was to the ende they should not doe any wrong to others. Neither did
Lycurgus also studie to make his people souldiers and warlike, to hurte
others: but for feare rather that others should hurte them. {defence+}
And so, to cut of the excesse in the one, and to supply the defect of the
other: they were both enforced to bring in a straunge manner of government.
Furthermore, touching their severall kinde of government, and dividing
of their people into states and companies: that of Numa was marvelous meane
and base, & framed to the liking of the meanest people, making a bodie
of a cittie, and a people compounded together of all sortes, as goldesmithes,
minstrells, founders, shoemakers, and of all sortes of craftes men and
occupations together. But that of Lycurgus, was directly contrarie: for
his was more severe and tyrannical, in governing of the nobility, casting
all craftes and base occupations upon bondemen and straungers, and putting
into the handes of his cittizens the shield and launce, suffering them
to exercise no other arte or science, but the atte and discipline of warres,
as the true ministers of Mars: which all their life time never knewe other
science, but only learned to obey their captaines, and to commaund their
enemies. For to have any occupation, to buye and sell, or to trafficke,
free men were expressely forbidden: {trade+} bicause they should wholy
and absolutely be free. And all sciences to get money was lawfull for slaves,
and the ILOTES: being counted for as vile an occupation, as to dresse meate,
and to be a scullian of a kitchin. Numa put not this difference amongest
his people, but only tooke away covetous desire to be riche by warres:
but otherwise, he did not forbid them to get goodes by any other lawfull
meanes, neither tooke any regarde to bring all to equalities and to be
a like wealthy, but suffered every man to get
LYCVRGVS & NVMA <Plut1-205> what he could taking no order to
prevent povertie which crept in, and spred farre in his cittie. Which he
should have looked unto at the beginning, at that time when there was not
too great an unequalitie amongest them, & that his cittizens for substaunce
were in manner equall one with another: for then was the time when he should
have made head against avarice, to have stopped the mischieves and inconveniences,
which fell out afterwards, and they were not litle. For that only was the
fountains and roote, of the most parte of the greatest evills and mischieves,
which happened afterwardes in ROME. And as touching the division of goodes:
neither ought Lycurgus to be blamed for doing it, nor Numa for that he
did it not. For this equality unto the one, was a ground and foundation
of his common wealth, which he afterwards instituted: and unto other, it
could not be. For this division being made not long before the time of
his predecessour, there was no great neede to chaunge the first, the which
(as it is likely) remained yet in full perfection. As touching mariages,
and their children to be in common, both the one and the other wisely sought
to take awaye all occasion of jealousie: but yet they tooke not both one
course. For the ROMAINE husband, having children enough to his contentation:
if another that lacked children came unto him, to praye him to lende him
his wife, he might graunte her unto him, and it was in him to geve her
altogether, or to lende her for a time, and to take her afterwardes againe.
But the LACONIAN, keeping his wife in his house, and the mariage remaining
whole and unbroken, might let out his wife to any man that would require
her to have children by her: naye furthermore, many (as we have told you
before) did them selves intreat men, by whom they thought to have a trimme
broode of children, and layed them with their wives. What difference,
<Plut1-206> LYCVRGVS & NVMA I praye you was betwene these two
customes? saving that the custome of the LACONIANS shewed, that the husbands
were nothing angrie, nor grieved with their wives for those things, which
for sorrowe and jealousie doth rent the hartes of most maried men in the
world. And that of the ROMAINES was a simplicitie somwhat more shamefast,
which to cover it, was shadowed yet with the cloke of matrimonie, and contract
of mariage: confessing that to use wife and children by halfes together,
was a thing most intolerable for him. Furthermore, the keeping of maidens
to be maried by Numaes order, was much straighter & more honorable
for womanhed: and Lycurgus order having to much scope and libertie, gave
Poets occasion to speake, and to geve them surnames not very honest. As
Ibycus called them Phanomeridas: to saye, thighe showers: and Andromanes:
to saye manhood. And Euripides sayeth also of them. Good nut broune girles
which left, their fathers house at large and sought for young mens companie,
& tooke their ware in charge: And shewed their thighes all bare, the
taylour did them wrong, on eche side open were their cotes, the slytts
were all to long. And in deede to saye truely, the sides of their petticotes
were not sowed beneath: so that as they went, they shewed their thighes
naked and bare. The which Sophocles doth easely declare by these verses:
The songe which you shall singe, shalbe the sonnet sayde, by Hermione lusty
lasse, that strong and sturdy mayde: Which trust her petticote, about her
midle shorte, and set to shewe her naked hippes, in francke & frendly
sorte. And therefore it is sayed, the LACON Wives were bol-
LYCVRGVS & NVMA <Plut1-207> de, manly, and stowte against their
husbands, namely the first. For they were wholy mistresses in the house,
and abroade: yea they had law on their side also, to utter their mindes
franckly concerning the chiefest matters. But Numa ever reserved the honour
& dignitie unto the women, which was left them by Romulusin his time,
when their husbands, after they had taken them awaye perforce, disposed
them selves to use them as gentely as possibly they could: nevertheles
he added otherwise thereto great honesty, & tooke awaye a curiositie
from them, & taught them sobrietie, & did inure them to speake
litle. For he did utterly forbid them wine, & did prohibite them to
speake, although it were for things necessarie, onles it were in the presence
of their husbands. In so much as it is reported, that a woman chauncing
one daye to pleade her cause in persone, openly before the judges: the
Senate hearing of it, did send immediately unto the oracle of Apollo, to
know what that did prognosticate to the cittie. And therfore Numa thought
the memorie of the naughty women, would much commend the great humilitie,
gentlenes, and obedience of the good. For like as our GRECIAN historiographers
doe note those which were the first that killed any of their cittizens,
or have fought with their brethern, or have killed their fathers or mothers:
even so the ROMAINES doe note that Spurius Carvilius was the first which
forsooke his wife, two hundred and thirtie yeres after the first foundation
of ROME, which was never done by any before. And that the wife of one Pinarius,
called Thalaea, was the first which ever brawled or quarrelled with her
mother in lawe called Gegania in the time when Tarquine surnamed the prowde
raigned: so well and honestly were the orders of Numa devised concerning
mariage. Moreover, the age & time of marying of maydes, which both
the one and the other ordeined: doth agree with the rest of their education.
For
<Plut1-208> LYCVRGVS & NVMA Lycurgus would not that they should
be maried, till they were of good yeres, and women growen: to the ende
that they knowing the company of man at such time as nature requireth,
it should be a beginning of their pleasure and love, and not of griefe
& hate, when she should be compelled unto it before time agreable by
nature, and bicause their bodies also should be more stronge & able
to beare children, and to indure the mothers painefull throwes and travell
in childe bearing, considering they are maried to no other ende, but to
beare children. But the ROMAINES to the contrarie, doe marye them at twelve
yeres of age, and under: saying, that by this meanes their bodies and manners
be wholy theirs, which doe marye them, being assured that no body els could
touch them. By this reason it is manifest, that the one is more naturall,
to make them strong to beare children: and the other more morall, to geve
them the forme and manner of conditions, which a man would have them to
kepe all their life time. Moreover touching orders for education of children,
that they should be brought up, instructed, and taught, under the selfe
same masters and governours, which should have an eye to make them drincke,
eate, playe, and exercise them selves honestly, and orderly together: Numa
made no more provision for the same, then the least maker of lawes that
ever was, and nothing in comparison of Lycurgus. For Numa left the parents
at libertie, to use their discretion (according unto their covetousnes
or necessitie) to cause their children to be brought up as they thought
good: whether they would put them to be labourers, carpenters, founders,
or minstrells. As if they should not frame the manners of children, and
facion them from their cradell all to one ende: but should be as it were
like passengers in one shippe, which being there, some for one business
other for another purpose, but all to divers endes, doe never medle
LYCVRGVS & NVMA <Plut1-209> one with another, but in a rough
storme or tempest, when every man is affrayed of his owne life. For otherwise,
no man careth but for him selfe. And other makers of lawes also, are to
be borne withall, if any thing hath scaped them through ignoraunce, or
some time through lacke of sufficient power and authoritie. But a wise
philosopher, having receyved a realme of people newly gathered together,
which dyd contrary him in nothing: whereto should he most plye his studie
& indevour, but to cause children to be well brought up, and to make
young men exercise them selves, to the ende they should not differ in manners,
nor that they should be troublesome, by their divers manner of bringing
up, but that they should all agree together, for that they had bene trained
from their childhood unto one selfe trade, and facioned under one selfe
patterne of vertue? That good education, besides other commodities, dyd
also serve to preserve Lycurgus lawes. For the feare of their othe which
they had made, had bene of small effect, if he had not through institution,
and education (as it were) dyed in wolle the manners of children, and had
not made them from their nources brestes in manner, sucke the Iuice and
love of his lawes, and civill ordinaunces. And this was of suche force,
that for the space of five hundred yeres and more, Lycurgus chief lawes
and ordinaunces remained in full perfection, as a deepe woded dye, which
went to the bottome, and pearced into the tender wolle. Contrariwise, that
which was Numaes chief ende and purpose, to continue ROME in peace and
amitie, dyed by and by with him. For he was no soner dead, but they opened
both the gates of the temple of Ianus, which he so carefully had kept shut
all his reigne, as if in deede he had kept in warres there, under locke
and keye, and they filled all ITALIE with murder and bloude: and this his
godly, holy, and just government which his Realme enjoyed all his
<Plut1-210> LYCVRGVS & NVMA time, did not last long after, bicause
it had not the bonde of education, and the discipline of children which
should mainteine it. Why, maye a man saye to me here: hath not ROME, excelled
still, and prevailed more and more in chevalrie? This question requireth
a long aunswer, & specially unto such men, as place feficitie in riches,
in possessions, and in the greatnes of empire, rather then in the quiet
safety, peace, and concorde of a common weale: and in clemency and justice,
joyned with contentation. Nevertheles, howsoever it was, that maketh for
Lyurgus also, that the ROMAINES, after they had chaunged the state which
they had of Numa, dyd so marvelously increase and growe mightie: and that
the LACEDAEMONIANS to the contrarie, so soone as they beganne to breake
Lycurgus lawes, being of great authoritie and swaye, fell afterwards to
be of small accompt. So that having lost the soveraintie and commaundement
over GRECE, they stoode in great hazarde also to be overthrowen for ever.
But in trothe it was some divine thing in Numa, that he being a meere straunger,
the ROMAINES dyd seeke him, to make him King, and that he could so chaunge
all, and rule a whole cittie as he lifted (not yet joyned togegether) without
neede of any force or violence: as it was in Lycurgus, to be assisted with
the best of the citty in resisting the commons of LACEDAEMON, but he could
never otherwise have kept them in peace, & made them love together,
but by his only wisdom and justice. The ende of Numa Pompilius life.
The Life of Solon+ DIDYMVS the Grammarian, in a litle booke that he
wrote and dedicated unto Asclepiades touching tables of the lawes of Solon,
alleageth the wordes of one Philocles, in which he speaketh against the
common opinion of those that have written, that Solons father was called
Euphorion. For all other writers agree, that he was the sonne of Execestides,
a man but reasonably to live, although otherwise he was of the noblest
and most auncient house of the cittie of ATHENS. For of his fathers side,
he was descended of king Codrus: and for his mother, Heraclides Ponticus
writeth, she was cosin germaine unto Pisistratus mother. For this cause
even from the beginning there was great friendshippe betwene them, partely
for their kinred, and partely also for the curtesie, and beawtie of Pisistratus,
with whom it is re- <Plut1-211>
<Plut1-212> SOLON ported Solon on a time was in love. Afterwards
they fortuned to fall at jarre one with the other, about matter of state
and government: yet this square bred no violent inconvenience betwene them,
but they reserved in their hartes still their auncient amitie, which continued
the memorie of their love, as a great fire doth a burning flame. That Solon
was no ftayed man to withstand beawtie, nor any great doer to prevaile
in love, it is manifest to all, aswell by other poeticall writings that
he hath made, as by a lawe of his owne: wherein he dyd forbid bondmen to
perfume them selves, or to be lovers of children. Who placed this lawe
among honest matters, and commendable: as allowing it to the better sorte,
and forbidding it to the basest. They saye also that Pisistratus selfe
was in love with Charmus, and that he dyd set up the litle image of love,
which is in Academia, where they were wont to light the holy candell. But
Solons father (as Hermippus writeth) having spent his goodes in liberalitie+,
& deedes of curtesie+, though he might easely have bene relieved at
divers mens handes with money, he was yet ashamed to take any, bicause
he came of a house which was wont rather to geve and relieve others, {Bassanio+}
then to take them selves: so being yet a young man, he devised to trade+
marchaundise. {Antonio+} Howbeit other saye, that Solon travelled countries,
rather to see the worlde, and to learne: then to trafflicke, or gayne.
For sure he was very desirous of knowledge, as appeareth manifestly: for
that being nowe olde, he commonly used to saye this verse: I growe olde,
learning still. Also he was not covetously bent, nor loved riches to much:
for he sayd in one place:
SOLON <Plut1-213> Who so hath goodes, and golde enough at call,
great heards of beastes, and flocks in many a folde, both horse and mule,
yea store of corne and all, that maye content eche man above the mowlde:
no richer is, for all those heapes and hoordes, then he which bathe, sufficiefitly
to feede, and clothe his corpes, with such as god afoordes. But if is joye,
and chief delight doe breede, for to beholde the fayer and heavenly face,
of some swete wife, which is adornde with grace: or els some childe, of
beawty fayre and bright, then hath he cause (in deed) of deepe delight.
And in another place also be sayeth: In deede I doe desire, some wealthe
to have at will: but not unles the same be got, by faithfull dealing still.
For suer who so desires by wickednes to thrive: shall finde that justice
from such goodes, will justly him deprive. There is no lawe forbiddeth
an honest man, or gentleman, greedily to scrape goods together, and more
then may suffice: and likewise to get sufficient to mainteine one withall,
and to defraye all needefull charges. In those dayes no state was discommended,
as sayeth Hesiodus, nor any arte or science made any difference betwene
men: but marchaundise they thought an honorable state, {Antonio+} as that
which delivered meanes, to traffike into straunge and farre countries,
to get acquaintaunce with states, to procure the love of princes, and chiefly
to gather the experience of the world. So that there have bene marchaunts
which heretofore have bene founders of great citties: as he which first
buylt MASSILIA, after he had obteined the friendshippe of the GAVLES, dwelling
by the river of Rhosne. And they saye also, that Thales Milesius
<Plut1-214> SOLON the wise, did traffike marchaundise, and that
Hippocrates the mathematike did even so: and likewise that Plato travelling
into Egipt, did beare the whole charges of his jorney, with the gaines
he made of the sale of oile he caried thither. They remember also, that
Solon learned to be lavish in expence to fare delicately, and to speake
wantonly of pleasures in his Poemes, somwhat more licentiously then became
the gravity of a Philosopher, only hicause he was brought up in the trade
of marchaundise, wherein for that men are marvelous subject to great losses
and daungers, they seeke otherwiles good chere to drive these cares awaye,
and libertie to make much of them selves. Yet it appeareth by these verses,
that Solon accompted him selfe rather in the number of the poore, than
of the riche. Riche men (oftimes) in lewdest lives doe range, and often
seene, that vertuous men be poore: Yet would the good, their goodnes never
chaunge with lewd estate, although their wealthe be more. For vertue stands
allwayes, both firme and stable: When riches rove, and seldome are durable.
{fortune+} This Poetry at the beginning he used but for pleasure, and when
he had leysure, writing no matter of importaunce in his verses. Afterwards
he dyd set out many grave matters of philosophie, and the most parte of
such things as he had devised before, in the government of a common weale
which he dyd not for historie or memories sake, but only of a pleasure
to discourse: for he sheweth the reasons of that he dyd, and in some places
he exhorteth, chideth, and reproveth the ATHENIANS. And some affirme also
he went about to write his lawes and ordinaunces in verse, and doe recite
his preface, which was this:
SOLON <Plut1-215> Vouchesave O mighty Iove, of heaven and earth
highe King: to graunt good fortune to my lawes, and heasts in everie thing.
And that their glorie growe in such triumphaunt wise, as maye remaine in
fame for aye, which lives and never dies. He chiefly delited in morall
philosophie, which treated of government and common weales: as the most
parte of the wise men dyd of those times. But for naturall philosophie,
he was very grosse and simple, as appeareth by these verses. The clattering
hayle, and softly falling snowe doe breede in ayer, and fall from cloudes
on hye. The dreadfull clappes, which thunderbolts doe throwe, doe come
from heaven, and lightninges bright in skye. The sea itselfe by boysterous
blastes dothe rore which (were it not provoked so full sore) Would be both
calme and quiet for to passe, as any element that ever was. So in effect
there was none but Thales alone of all the seven wise men of GRECE, who
searched further the contemplation of things in common use among men, than
he. For setting him a parte, all the others got the name of wisdome, only
for their understanding in matters of state and government. It is reported
that they met on a daye all seven together in the cittie of DELPHES, and
another time in the cittie of CORINTHE, where Periander got them together
at a feast that he made to the other sixe. But that which most increased
their glorie, & made their fame most spoken of, was the sending backe
againe of the three footed stoole {tripos+} when they all had refused it,
and turned it over one to another with great humanitie.
<Plut1-216> SOLON For the tale is, howe certaine fisher men of the
Ile of Co, cast their nettes into the sea, and certaine straungers passing
by, that came from the cittie of MILETVM, did buye their draught of fishe
at adventure, before the net was drawen. And when they drue it up, there
came up in the net a three footed stoole of massy gold, which men saye,
Hellen (as she dyd returne from TROYE) had throwen in in that place, in
memory of an auncient oracle she called then unto her minde. Thereupon
the straungers & fisher men first fell at strife about this three footed
stoole, who should have it: but afterwardes the two citties tooke parte
of both sides, on their cittizens behalfe. In so much as warres had like
to have followed betwene them, had not the prophetesse Pythia geven a like
oracle unto them both. That they should geve this three footed stoole unto
the wisest man. Whereupon the men of Co, sent it first to Thales in the
cittie of MILETVM as being willing to graunte that unto a private persone,
for which they had made warres with all the MILESIANS before. Thales sayed,
he thought Bias a wiser man than him selfe: and so it was sent unto him.
He likewise sent it againe unto another, as to a wiser man. And that other,
sent it also unto another. {diffidence+} So that being thus posted from
man to man, & through divers handes in the ende it was brought backe
againe unto the cittie of MILETVM, and delivered into the handes of Thales
the seconde time: and last of all was caried unto THEBES, and offered up
unto the temple of Apollo Ismenian. Howbeit Theophrastus writeth, that
first it was sent to the cittie of PRIENA, unto Bias: and then unto Thales,
in the cittie of MILETVM, by Bias consent. And after that it had passed
through all their handes, it was brought againe unto Bias: and lastely
it was sent to the cittie of DELPHES. And thus much have the best and most
auncient writers written: saving that some saye in steade of a three footed
stoole, it was a cuppe that king Croesus sent unto the cittie of DELPHES.
Other saye,
SOLON <Plut1-217> it was a pece of plate which Bathycles left there.
They make mention also of another private meeting betwext Anacharsis and
Solon, and of another betweene him and Thales, where they recite, that
they had this talke. Anacharsis being arrived at ATHENS, went to knocke
at SoIons gate, saying that he was a straunger which came of purpose to
see him, and to desire his acquaintaunce and friendshippe. Solon aunswered
him, that it was better to seeke friendshippe in his owne countrie. Anacharsis
replied againe: thou then that arte at home, and in thine owne countrie,
beginne to shew me friendshippe. Then Solon wondering at his bolde ready
wit, entertained him very curteously: & kept him a certaine time in
his house, and made him very good cheere, at the selfe same time wherein
he was most busie in governing the common weale, and making lawes for the
state thereof. Which when Anacharsis understoode, he laughed at it, to
see that Solon imagined with written lawes, to bridell mens covetousnes
and injustice. For such lawes, sayed he, doe rightly resemble the spyders
cobwebbes: bicause they take holde of litle flies and gnattes which fall
into them, but the riche and mightie will breake and ronne through them
at their will. Solon answered him, that men doe justly keepe all covenants
and bargaines which one make with another, bicause it is to the hinderance
of either partie to breake them: and even so, he dyd so temper his lawes,
that he made his cittizens knowe, it was more for their profit to obey
lawe and justice, then to breake it. Nevertheles afterwardes, matters proved
rather according to Anacharsis comparison, then agreable to the hope that
Solon had conceyved. Anacharsis being by happe one daaye in a common assembly
of the people at ATHENS, sayed that he marvelled much, why in the consultations
and meetings of the GRECIANS, wise men propounded matters, and fooles dyd
decide them. It is sayed moreover, that Solon was somtime in the cittie
of MILETVM
<Plut1-218> SOLON at Thales house, where he saved that he could
not but marvell at Thales, that he would never marie to have children.
Thales gave him never a worde at that present: but within fewe dayes after
he suborned a straunger, which sayed that he came but newly home from ATHENS,
departing from thence but tenne dayes before. Solon asked him immediately,
What newes there? This straunger whom Thales had schooled before, aunswered:
none other there, saving that they caried a young man to burial], whom
all the cittie followed, for that he was one of the greaiest mens sonnes
of the cittie, and the honestest man withall, who at that present was out
of the countrie, and had bene a long time (as they sayed) abroade. O poore
unfortunate father, then sayed Solon: and what was bis name? I have heard
him named, sayed the straunger, but I have forgotten him nowe: saving that
they all sayed, he was a worthy wise man. So Solon still trembling more
and more for feare, at every aunswer of this straunger: in the ende he
could holde no longer, being full of trouble, but tolde his name him selfe
unto the straunger, and asked him againe, if he were not the sonne+ of
Solon which was buried. The very same, sayed the straunger. Solon with
that, like a mad man straight beganne to beat his head, and to saye, and
doe, like men impacient in affliction, and overcome with sorowe. But Thales
laughing to see this pageant, stayed him, and sayed. Loe, Solon, this is
it that keepeth me from marying, and getting of children: which is of such
a violence, that thou seest it hath nowe overcome thee, although otherwise
thou arte stronge, and able to wrestle with any. Howbeit for any thing
he hath saied unto thee, be of good cheere man, for it is but a tale, and
nothing so. Hermippus writeth, that Pataecus, (he which sayed he had Esops
sowle) reciteth this story thus. Nevertheles it lacketh judgement, and
the corage of a man also, to be afrayed to get things necessarie, fearing
the losse of them: for by this reckon-
SOLON <Plut1-219> ing he should neither esteeme honour, goodes,
nor knowledge when he hath them, for feare to lose them. For we see that
vertue it selfe, which is the greatest and sweetest riches a man can have,
decayeth oftimes through sicknes, or els by phisicke, and potions. Furthermore
Thales selfe, although he was not maried, was not therefore free from this
feare, onles he would confesse that he neither loved friends, kynsemen,
nor countrie: howbeit Thales had an adopted sonne, called Cybistus, which
was his sisters sonne. For our soule having in it a naturall inclination
to love, and being borne aswell to love, as to feele, to reason, or understand,
and to remember: having nothing of her owne whereupon she might bestowe
that naturall love, boroweth of other. AS where there is a house or inheritaunce
without lawfull heires, many times straungers, and base borne children,
doe creepe into the kinde affection of the owner, and when they have once
wonne and possessed his love, they make him ever after to be kynde and
tender over them. So that ye shall see many times men of such a hard and
rough nature, that they like not of them that move them to marie, and get
lawfull children: and yet afterwardes are ready to dye for feare and sorowe,
when they see their bastardes (that they have gotten of their slaves or
concubines) fall sicke or dye, and doe utter wordes farre unmeete for men
of noble corage. And some such there be, that for the death of a dogge,
or their horse, are so out of harte, and take such thought, that they are
ready to goe into the grounde, they looke so pittiefully. Other some are
cleane contrarie, who though they have lost their children, forgone their
friendes, or some gentleman deare unto them, yet no sorowfull worde hath
commen from them, neither have they done any unseemely thing: but have
passed the rest of their life like wise, constant, & vertuous men.
For it is not love but weakness which breedeth these extreme sorowes, and
exceeding feare, in men that are not
<Plut1-220> SOLON exercised, nor acquainted to fight against fortune
with reason. {fortitude+} And this is the cause that plucketh from them
the pleasure of that they love and desire, by reason of the continuall
trouble, feare and griefe they feele, by thincking howe in time they maye
be deprived of it. Nowe we must not arme our selves with povertie, against
the griefe of losse of goodes: neither with lacke of affection, against
the losse of out friendes: neither with wante of mariage, against the death
of children: but we must be armed with reason against misfortunes. Thus
have we sufficiently enlarged this matter. The ATHENIANS having nowe susteined
a long and troublesome warre against the MEGARIANS, for the possession
of the Ile of SALAMINA: were in the ende wearie of it, and made proclamation
straightly commaunding upon payne of death that no man should presume to
preferre any more to the counsaill of the cittie, the title or question
of the possession of the Ile of SALAMINA. Solon could not beare this open
shame, and seeing the most parte of the lustiest youthes desirous still
of warre though their tongues were tyed for feare of the proclamation:
he fayned him selfe to be out of his wittes, and caused it to be geven
out that Solon was become a foole, and secretly he had made certaine lamentable
verses, which he had cunned without booke, to singe abroade the cittie.
So one daye he ranne sodainly out of his house a garland on his head, and
gotte him to the market place, where the people straight swarmed like bees
about and getting him up upon the stone where all proclamations are usually
made, out he singeth these Elegies he had made, which beganne after this
sorte. I here present my selfe (an Heraulde) in this case, which come from
Salamina lande, that noble worthy place. My minde in pelting prose, shall
never be exprest, But songe in verse Heroycall for so I thincke it best.
SOLON <Plut1-221> This Elegie is intituled SALAMINA, and conteineth
a hundred verses, which are excellently well written. And these being songe
openly by Solon at that time, his friendes incontinently praysed them beyond
measure, & specially Pisistratus: and they went about persuading the
people that were present, to credit that he spake. Hereupon the matter
was so handled amongest them, that by and by the proclamation was revoked,
and they beganne to followe the warres with greater furie then before,
appointing Solon to be generall in the same. But the common tale and reporte
is, that he went by sea with Pisistratus unto the temple of Venus, surnamed
Coliade: where he founde all the women at a solemne feast and sacrifice,
which they made of custome to the goddesse. He taking occasion thereby,
sent from thence a trusty man of his owne unto the MEGARIANS, which then
had SALAMINA: whom he instructed to fayne him selfe a revolted traytour,
and that he came of purpose to tell them, that if they would but goe with
him, they might take all the chief ladyes and gentlewoman of ATHENS on
a sodaine. The MEGARIANS easely beleeved him, & shipped forthwith certaine
souldiers to goe with him. But when Solon perceived the shippe under sayle
comming from SALAMINA, he commaunded the women to departe, and in steade
of them he put lusty beardles springalles into their apparell, and gave
them litle shorte daggers to convey under their clothes, commaunding them
to playe and daunce together upon the sea side, untill their enemies were
landed, and their shippe at anker: and so it came to passe. For the MEGARIANS
being deceyved by that they sawe a farre of, as soone as ever they came
to the shore side, dyd lande in heapes, one in anothers necke, even for
greedines to take these women: but not a man of them escaped, for they
were slayne every mothers sonne. This stratageame being finely handled,
& to good
<Plut1-222> SOLON effect, the ATHENIANS tooke sea straight, &
costed over to the Ile of SALAMINA: Which they tooke upon the sodaine,
and wanne it without much resistaunce. Other saye that it was not taken
after this sorte: but that Apollo Delphicus gave Solon first such an oracle.
Thou shalt first winne by vowes and sacrifice, the helpe of lordes and
demy goddes full bright: Of whose dead bones, the dust engraved lies, in
westerne soyle, Asopia that hight. By order of this oracle, he one night
passed over to SALAMINA, and dyd sacrifice to Periphemus, and to Cichris
demy goddes of the countrie. Which done, the ATHENIANS delivered him five
hundred men, who willingly offered them selves: and the cittie made an
accorde with them, that if they tooke the Ile of SALAMINA, they should
beare greatest authoritie in the common weale. Solon imbarked his souldiers
into divers fisher botes, and appointed a galliot of thirtie owers to come
after him, and he ankred hard by the cittie of SALAMINA, under the pointe
which looketh towards the Ile of NEGREPONT. The MEGARIANS which were within
SALAMINA, having by chaunce heard some inckling of it, but yet knew nothing
of certaintie: ranne presently in hurry burley to arme them, and manned
out a shippe to descrie what it was. But they fondly comming within daunger,
were taken by Solon, who clapped the MEGARIANS under hatches fast bounde,
and in their roomes put aborde in their shippe the choycest souldiers he
had of the ATHENIANS, commaunding them to set their course direct upon
the cittie, and to keepe them selves as close out of sight as could be.
And he him self with all the rest of his souldiers landed presently, &
marched to encounter with the MEGARIANS, which were come out into the fielde.
Now whilest they were fighting together, Solons men whom
SOLON <Plut1-223> he had sent in the MEGARIANS shippe, entred the
haven, and wanne the towne. This is certainly true, and testified by that
which is shewed yet at this daye. For to keepe a memoriall hereof, a shippe
of ATHENS arriveth quietly at the first, and by and by those that are in
the shippe make a great showte, and a man armed leaping out of the shippe,
ronneth showting towardes the rocke called Sciradion, which is as they
come from the firme lande: and hard by the same is the temple of Mars,
which Solon built there after he had overcome the MEGARIANS in battel,
from whence he sent backe againe those prisoners that he had taken (which
were saved from the slaughter of the battel) without any ransome paying.
Nevertheles, the MEGARIANS were sharpely bent still to recover SALAMINA
again. Much hurte being done and suffered on both sides: both parts in
the ende made the LACEDAEMONIANS judges of the quarrell. But upon judgement
geven, common reporte is, that Homers authoritie dyd Solon good service,
bicause he did adde these verses to the number of shippes, which are in
the Iliades of Homer, which he rehearsed before the judges, as if they
had bene in deede written by Homer. Ajax that champion stowte, did leade
with him in charge, twelve shippes from Salaminas soyle which he had left
at large, and even those selfe same shippes, in battell did be cast and
place in order for to fight, with enmies force at last. In that same very
place, whereas it seemed then the captaines which from Athens came, imbattelled
had their men. Howbeit the ATHENIANS selves thinke, it was but a tale of
pleasure: and saye that Solon made it appeare to the judges, that Philaeus,
and Eurysaces (both Ajax sonnes) were made free denizens of ATHENS. Whereupon
<Plut1-224> SOLON they gave the Ile of SALAMINA unto the ATHIENIANS,
and one of them came to dwell in a place called Brauron, in the country
of ATTICA: and the other in a towne called MELITVM. And for due proofe
thereof, they saye there is yet a certen canton or quarter of the countrie
of ATTICA, which is called the canton of the Philaeides, after the name
of this Philaeus, where Pisistratus was borne. And it is sayed moreover,
that Solon (bicause he would throughly convince the MEGARIANS) did alleage
that the SALAMINIANS buried not the dead after the MEGARIANS manner, but
after the ATHENIANS manner. For in MEGARA they burie the dead with their
faces to the East: and in ATHENS their faces are towards the West. Yet
Hereas the Megarian denieth it, saying that the MEGARIANS dyd burie them
also with their faces towards the West: alleaging moreover, that at ATHENS
everie corse had his owne beere or coffin by it selfe, and that at MEGARA
they dyd put three or foure corses together. They saye also there were
certaine oracles of Apollo Pythias, which dyd greatly helpe Solon, by which
the god called SALAMINA, IONIA. Their strife was judged by five Arbitrators,
all SPARTANS borne: that is to saye, Critolaidas, Amompharetus, Hypsechidas,
Anaxilas, and Cleomenes. Solon undoutedly wonne great glory and honour
by this exployte, yet was he much more honoured & esteemed, for the
oration he made in defence of the temple of Apollo, in the cittie of DELPHES:
declaring that it was not meete to be suffered, that the CYRRHAEIANS should
at their pleasure abuse the sanctuarie of the oracle, and that they should
ayde the DELPHIANS in honour and reverence of Apollo. Whereupon the counsell
of the Amphictyons, being moved with his words & persuasions, proclaimed
warres against the CYRRHAEIANS: as divers other doe witnesse, and specially
Aristotle, in the storie he wrote of those that wanne the Pythian games,
where he
SOLON <Plut1-225> ascribeth unto Solon the honour of that determination.
Nevertheles Hermippus sayeth, Solon was not made generall of their armie,
as Evanthes Samian hath written. For AEschines the Orator wrote no such
thing of him: and in the chronicles of the DELPHIANS they finde, that one
Alcmaeon, and not Solon, was the generall of the ATHENIANS. Now the cittie
of ATHENS had a long time ben vexed & troubled through Cylons heynous
offence, ever sence the yere that Megacles (governour of the cittie of
ATHENS) dyd with fayer words handle so the confederates of the rebellion
of Cylon, which had taken sanctuarie within the liberties of the temple
of Minerva: that he persuaded them to be wise, and to present them selves
be fore the judges, holding by a threede, which they should tye about the
base of the image of the goddesse wher she stoode, bicause they should
not lose their libertie. But when they were come to the place of the honorable
goddesses so called(which be the images of the furies) comming downe to
present them selves before the judges, the threede brake of it self. Then
Megacles, and other officers his companions, layed holde on them presently,
saying that it was a manifest signe that the goddesse Minerva refused to
save them. So those they tooke, and all they could laye hands of, were
immediately stoned to death without the cittie: the rest which tooke the
altars for refuge, were slaine there also. And none were saved, but such
as had made meanes to the governours wives of the citie, to intreate for
them: which from that time forth were ever hated of the people, and commonly
called the abjects and excommunicates. Who being the issues of the rebelles
that rose with Cylon, chaunced to rise again in credit, and growing to
great authorities they never left quarrelling and fighting continually
with offspring of Megacles. These factions+ were greatest and highest in
Solons time: who being of authorities and see-
<Plut1-226> SOLON ing the people thus divided in two partes, he
stepped in between them, with the chiefest men of ATHENS, and did so persuade
and intreate those whom they called the abjects and excommunicates, that
they were contented to be judged. So three hundred of the chiefest cittizens
were chosen judges to heare this matter. The accuser was Myron Phlyeian.
This matter was heard and pleaded, and by sentence of the judges, the excornmunicates
were condemned. Those that were alive, to perpetuall exile: and the bones
of them that were dead, to be digged up, and throwen out of the confines
of the territorie of ATHENS. But whilest the cittie of ATHENS was occupied
with these uprores, the MEGARIANS wiSely caught holde of the occasion delivered,
and set upon the ATHENIANS, tooke from them the haven of NYSAEA, and recovered
againe out of their handes, the Ile of SALAMINA. Furthermore, all the cittie
was possessed with a certen superstitious feare: for some sayed, that sprites
were come againe, and straunge sightes were seene. The prognosticatours
also sayed, they perceived by their sacrifices, the dttie was defiled with
some abhominable and wicked things, which were of necessitie to be purged
and throwen out. Hereupon they sent into CRETA for Epimenides Phaestian,
whom they reckoned the seventh of the wise men, at the least such as will
not allowe Periander for one of the number. He was a holy and devoute man,
and very wise in celestiall things, by inspiration from above: by reason
whereof, men of his time called him the newe Curetes, that is to saye,
Prophet: and he was thought the sonne of a Nymphe called Balte. When he
was come to ATHENS, and growen in friendshippe with Solon: he dyd helpe
him much, and made his waye for establishing of his lawes. For he acquainted
the ATHENIANS to make their sacrifices much lighter, & of lesse coste:
& brought the cittizens to be more moderate in their mourning,
SOLON <Plut1-227> with cutting of certaine severe & barbarous
ceremonies, which the most parte of the women observed in the mourning,
and he ordeined certain sacrifices which he would have done immediately
after the obsequies of the dead. But that which exceeded all the rest was,
that by using the cittizens unto holines & devotion, daylie sacrifices,
prayers unto the godds, purging of them selves, and humble offerings: he
wanne mens hartes by litle and litle, to yelde them more confirmable to
justice, and to be more inclined to concorde and unity. It is reported
also that Epimenides, when he saw the haven of Munychia, and had long considered
of it: told those about him, that men were very blinde in foreseeing things
to come. For if the ATHENIANS (sayed he) knew, what hurt this haven would
bring them: they would eate it (as they saye) with their teethe. It is
sayed also that Thales did prognosticate such a like thing, who after his
deathe commaunded they should burie his bodie, in some vile place of no
reckoning, with in the territorie of the MILESIANS, saying that one daye
there should be the place of a cittie. Epimenides therfore being marvelously
esteemed of every man for these causes, was greatly honoured of the ATHENIANS,
and they offered him great presents of money and other things, but he would
take nothing, and only prayed them to geve him a boughe of the holy olyve:
which they graunted him, and so he returned shortely home into CRETA. Nowe
that this sedition of Cylon was utterly appeased in ATHENS for that the
excommunicates were banished the countrie: the citty fell againe into their
olde troubles and dissentions about the government of the common weale:
and they were devided into so divers partes and factions, as there were
people of sundry places and territories within the countrie of ATTICA.
For there were the people of the mountaines, the people of the vallies,
and the people of
<Plut1-228> SOLON the sea coaste. Those of the mountaines, tooke
the common peoples parte for their lives. Those of the valley, would a
fewe of the best cittizens should carie the swaye. The coaste men would,
that neither of them should prevaile, bicause they would have had a meane
government, and mingled of them both. Furthermore, the faction betwene
the poore and riche, proceeding of their unequalitie, was at that time
very great. By reason whereof the cittie was in great daunger, and it seemed
there was no waye to pacifie or take up these controversies, unles some
tyraunt happened to rise, that would take upon him to rule the whole. For
all the common people were so sore indetted to the riche, that either they
plowed their landes, and yelded them the sixt parte of their croppe: (for
which cause they were called Hectemorii and servants) or els they borrowed
money of them at usurie, upon gage of their bodies to serve it out. And
if they were not able to paye them, then were they by the law delivered
to their creditours, who kept them as bonde men and slaves in their houses,
or els they sent them into straunge countries to be sold: and many even
for very povertie were forced to sell their owne children (for there was
no lawe to forbid the contrarie, or els to forsake their cittie and countrie,
for the extreme cruelty & hard dealing of these abominable usurers+
their creditours. Insomuch as many of the lustiest and stowtest of them,
banded together in companies, and incoraged one another, not to suffer
and beare any longer such extremitie, but to choose them a stowte and trusty
captaine, that might set them at libertie, and redeeme those out of captivity,
which were judged to be bondmen and servants, for lacke of paying of their
detts at their dayes appointed: and so to make againe a newe division of
all landes and tenements, and wholy to chaunge and turne up the whole state
and go-
SOLON <Plut1-229> vermnent. Then the wisest men of the cittie, who
sawe Solon only neither partner with the riche in their oppression, neither
partaker with the poore in their necessitie: made sute to him, that it
would please him to take the matter in hande, & to appease & pacifie
all these broyles and sedition. Yet Phanias Lesbian writeth, that he used
a subtiltie, whereby he deceived both the one and the other side concerning
the commonweale. For he secretly promised the poore to devide the lands
againe: and the riche also, to confirme their covenants and bargaines.
Howsoever it fell out, it is very certain that Solon from the beginning
made it a great matter, and was very scrupulous to deale betwene them:
fearing the covetousnes of the one, and arrogancie of the other. Howbeit
in the end he was chosen governour after Philombrotus, and was made reformer
of the rigour of the lawes, and the temperer of the state and common weale,
by consent and agreement of both parties. The rich accepted him, bicause
he was no begger: the poore did also like him, bicause he was an honest
man. They saye moreover, that one word and sentence which he spake (which
at that present was rife in every mans mouthe) that equalitie dyd breede
no stryfe: did aswell please the riche & wealthie, as the poore and
needie. For the one sorte conceyved of this worde equalitie, that he would
measure all things according to the qualitie of the man: and the other
tooke it for their purpose, that he would measure things by the number,
and by the polle only. Thus the captaines of both factions persuaded and
prayed him, boldly to take upon him that soveraigne authoritie, sithence
he had the whole cittie nowe at his commaundement. The neawters also of
every parte, when they sawe it very harde to pacific these things with
lawe and reason, were well content that the wisest, and honestest man,
should alone
<Plut1-230> SOLON have the royall power in his handes. Some saye
also that there was such an oracle of Apollo. Sitt thou at helme, as governour
to steere to guyde our course, and rule the rowlings shippe, for thou shalt
see full many Athenians there, will take thy parte, and after thee will
trippe. But his familier friendes above all rebuked him, saying he was
to be accompted no better then a beast, if for feare of the name of tyranne,
he would refuse to takeu him a Kingdome: which is the most just and honorable
state, if one take it upon him that is an honest man. AS in olde time,
Tynnondas made him selfe King of those of Negrepont, with their consent:
and as Pittacus was then presently of those of METELIN. Notwithstanding,
all these goodly reasons could not make him once alter his opinion. And
they saye he aunswered his friendes, that principalitie and tyrannie, was
in deede a goodly place: howbeit there was no way for a man to get out,
when he was once entered into it. And in certen verses that he wrote to
Phocus, thus he sayed: I neither blushe, nor yet repent my selfe, that
have preservde, my native soyle allwayes, and that therein (to hourde up
trashe and pelfe) no tyrants thought, could once eclypse my prayse. No
might could move, my minde to any wronge, which might beblot, the glory
of my name: for so I thought, to live in honour longe and farr excell all
other men for fame+. Hereby appeareth plainely, that even before he was
chosen reformer of the state, to stablish newe lawes: he was then of great
countenaunce and authoritie. But he him selfe writeth, that many sayed
of him thus, after he had refused the occasion of usurping of this tyrranie+:
SOLON <Plut1-231> Suer, Solon was a foole, and of a bashefull minde,
that would refuse the great goode happe, which goddes to him assignde.
The praye was in bis handes, yet durst he never drawe, the net therefore:
but alone abasht, and like a dastarde dawe. For had not that so bene, he
would (for one dayes raigne, to be a King in Athens tonne) him selfe (all
quicke) have slayen. And eke subverted quyte, his familie withall, So swete
it is to rule the roste, yclad in princely pall Thus brought he common
rumor to taber on his head. Nowe, notwithstanding he had refused the kingdome,
yet he waxed nothing the more remisse nor softe therefore in governing,
neither would he bowe for feare o the great, nor yet would frame his lawes
to their liking, that had chosen him their reformer. For where the mischief
was tollerable, he dyd not straight plucke it up by the rootes: neither
dyd he so chaunge the state, as might have done, least if he should have
attempted to turne upsidowne the whole government, he might afterwards
have bene never able to settle and stablishe the same againe. Therefore
he only altered that, which he thought by reason he would persuade his
cittizens unto, or els by force he ought to compell them to accept, mingling
as he saied, sower with sweete, and force with justice. And herewith agreeth
his aunswer that he made afterwards, unto one that asked him, if he had
made the best lawes he could for the ATHENIANS? yea suer, sayeth he, such
as they were to receive. And this that followeth also, they have ever since
observed in the Athenian tongue: to make certen things pleasaunt, that
be hatefull, finely conveying them under culler of pleasing names. AS calling
whores, lemans: taxes, contributions: garri-
<Plut1-232> SOLON sons, gardes: prisones, houses. (euphemisms+}
in English, discharge. For the first chaunge and reformation he made in
government was this: he ordeined that all manner of detts past should be
cleere, and no bodye should aske his detter any thing for the time past.
That no man should thenceforth lende money out to usurie, upon covenants
for the bodye to be bounde, if it were not repayed. Howbeit some write
(as Androtion among other) that the poore were contented that the interest
only for usury should be moderated, without taking away the whole dett:
and that Solon called this easie and gentle discharge, Seisachtheian, with
crying up the value of money. For he raised the pound of silver, being
before but three score and thirtene Drachmes, full up to an hundred: so
they which were to paye great summes of money, payed by tale as much as
they ought, but with lesse number of peces then the dett could have bene
payed when it was borowed. And so the detters gayned much, and the creditours
lost nothing. Nevertheles the more parte of them which have written the
same, saye, that this crying up of money, was a generall discharge of all
detts, conditions, and covenaunts upon the same: whereto the very Poemes
them selves, which Solon wrote, doe seeme to agree. For he glorieth, and
breaketh forth in his verses, that he had taken away all bawkes and marcks,
that separated mens lands through the countrie of ATTICA: and that now
he had set at libertie, that which before was in bondage. And that of the
cittizens of ATHENS, which for lacke of payment of their dettes had bene
condemned for slaves to their creditours, he had brought many home again
out of straunge countries, where they had bene so long, that they had forgotten
to speake their naturall tongue: and other which remained at home in captivitie,
he had nowe set them all at good lbertie. But while he was a doing
SOLON <Plut1-233> this, men saye a thing thwarted him, that troubled
him marvelously. For having framed an Edict for clearing of all detts,
and lacking only a litle to grace it with words, and to geve it some prety
preface, that otherwise was ready to be proclaymed: he opened him selfe
somewhat to certaine of his familiers whom he trusted (as Conon, Clinias,
and Hipponicms) and tolde them how he would not medle with landes and possessions,
but would only cleere and cut of all maner of detts. These men before the
proclamation came out, went presently to the money men, and borowed great
summes of money of them, and layed it out straight upon lande. So when
the proclamation came out, they kept the landes they had purchased, but
restored not the money they had borowed. This fowle parte of theirs made
Solon very ill spoken of, & wrongfully blamed: as if he had not only
suffered it, but had bene partaker of this wrong, & injustice. Notwithaanding
he cleared him self of this slaunderous reporte, losing five talents by
his owne lawe. For it was well knowen that so much was due unto him, and
he was the first that following his owne proclamation, dyd clearely release
his detters of the same. Other saye he was owing fifteene talents: and
among the same, Polyzelus the Rhodian is one that affirmeth it. Notwithstanding
they ever after called Solons friendes, Greocopides, cutters of detts.
This lawe neither liked the one nor the other sorte. For it greatly offended
the riche, for cancelling their bondes: and it much more misliked the poore,
bicause all landes and possessions they gaped for, were not made againe
common, and every bodye a like riche and wealthie, as Lycurgus had made
the LACEDAEMONIANS. But Lycurgus was the eleventh descended of the right
line from Hercules, and had many yeres bene king of LACEDAEMON, where he
had gotten great authorities and made him self many friends: all which
things together, dyd greatly helpe him to execute that, which he wisely
had imagined for
<Plut1-234> SOLON the order of his common weale. Yet also, he used
more persuasion then force, a good witnes thereof, the losse of his eye:
preferring a lawe before his private injuries which hath power to preserve
a cittie long in union and concorde, & to make cittizens to be neither
poore nor riche. Solon could not attain to this, for he was born in a popular
state, and a man but of meane wealth: Howbeit he did what he could possible,
with the power he had, as one seeking to winne no credit with his cittizens,
but onely by his counsaile. Now, that he got the ill will of the more parte
of the cittie, by his proclamation which he made: he himself doth witnesse
it, saying: Even those which earst, did beare me frendly face, and spake
full fayer, where ever I them met: gan nowe beginne, to looke full grym
of grace, and were (like foes) in force against me set. AS if I had done
them, some spite or scorne, or open wronge, which were not to be borne.
Nevertheles he sayeth immediately after, that with the same authoritie
and power he had, a man possibly Could not controll, the peoples mindes:
nor still their braynes which wrought like windes. But shortely after,
having a feeling of the benefit of his ordinaunce, & every one forgetting
his private quarrell: they altogether made a common sacrifice, which they
called the sacrifice of Seisachthia, or discharge, and chose Solon generall
reformer of the lawe, and of the whole state of the common weale, without
limiting his power, but referred all matters indifferently to his will.
AS the offices of state, common assemblies, voyces in election, judgements
in justice, and the bodie of the Senate. And they gave him also full power
and authorities to sesse and taxe any of them, to appointe the number,
what time the sesse shold continewe, and to keepe, confirme, and
SOLON <Plut1-235> disanull at his pleasure, any of the auncient
lawes and customes then in being. To beginne withall, he first tooke away
all Dracons bloudy lawes, saving for murder, and man slaughter, which were
to severe and cruell. For almost he dyd ordaine but one kinde of punishment,
for all kinde of faultes and offences, which was death. So that they which
were condemned for idleness were judged to dye. And pety larceny, as robbing
mens horteyards, and gardens of fruite, or erbes, was as severely punished:
as those who had committed sacriledge or murder. Demades therefore encountered
it pleasauntly, when he sayed: that Dracons lawes were not written with
incke, but with bloud. And Draco him selfe being asked one daye, why his
punishments were so unequall, as death for all kinde of faultes: he aunswered.
Bicause he thought the least offence worthie so much punishment: and for
the greatest, he found none more grievous. Then Solon being desirous to
have the chief offices of the cittie to remaine in riche mens handes, as
already they dyd, and yet to mingle the authoritie of government in such
sorte, as the meaner people might beare a litle swaye, which they never
could before: he made an estimate of the goodes of every private cittizen.
And those which he founde yerely worthe five hundred busshells of corne,
and other liquide fruites and upwards, he called Pentacosiomedimnes: as
to saye, five hundred busshell men of revenue. And those that had three
hundred busshells a yere, and were able to keepe a horse of service, he
put in the second degree, and called them knightes. They that might dispend
but two hundred busshells a yere, were put in the thirde place, and called
Zeugites. All other under those, were called Thetes, as ye would saye,
hyerlings, or craftes men living of their labour: whom he dyd not admit
to beare any office in the cittie, neither were they taken as free cittizens,
saving they had voyces in elections, and assemblies of the cittie, and
in judgements, where the
<Plut1-236> SOLON people wholy judged. This at the first seemed
nothing, but afterwardes they felt it was to great purpose: for hereby
the most parte of private quarrells and strifes that grewe among them,
were in the ende layed open before the people. For he suffered those to
appeale unto the people, which thought they had wrong judgement in their
causes. Furthermore, bicause his lawes were written somewhat obscurely,
and might be diversely taken & interpreted: this dyd geve a great deale
more authoritie and power to the judges. For, considering all their controversies
could not be ended, & judged by expresse lawe: they were driven of
necessitie allwayes to ronne to the judges, and debated their matters before
them. In so muche as the judges by this meanes came to be somewhat above
the lawe: for they dyd even expounde it as they would them selves. Solon
self doth note this equall division of the publicke authorities in a place
of his poesies, where he sayeth. Suche power have I geven, to common peoples
hande, as might become their meane estate, with equity to stande:and as
I have not pluct, from them their dignitie, so have I not to much increast,
their small authoritie. Unto the riche likewise, I have allowed no more,
then well might seeme (in just conceit) suffcient for theirstore. And so
I have for both provided in such wise, that neither shalle eache other
wrong, nor seeme for to despise. Yet considering it was meete to provide
for the povertie of the common sorte of people: he suffered any man that
would, to take upon him the defence, of any poore mans case that had the
wrong. For if a man were hurte, beaten, forced, or otherwise wronged: any
other man that would, might lawfully sue the offendour, and prosecute lawe
against him. And this was a wise lawe ordeined
SOLON <Plut1-237> of him, to accustome his cittizens to be sorie
one for anothers hurte, and so to feele it, as if any parte of his owne
bodie had bene injured. And they saye he made an aunswer on a time, agreable
to this law. For, being asked what cittie he thought best governed: he
aunswered. That cittie where such as receyve no wronge, doe as earnestly
defend wrong offered to other, as the very wrong and injurie had bene done
unto them selves. He erected also the counsaill of the Areopagites, of
those magistrates of the cittie, out of which they did yerely choose their
governour: and he him self had bene of that number, for that he had bene
governour for a yere. Wherfore perceyving now the people were growen to
a stomake, and hawtines of minde, bicause they were cleare discharged of
their detts: he set one up for matters of state, another counsell of an
hundred chosen out of every tribe, whereof foure hundred of them were to
consult and debate of all matters, before they were propounded to the people:
that when the great counsell of the people at large should be assembled,
no matters should be put forth, onles it had bene before well considered
of, and digested, by the counsell of the foure hundred. Moreover, he ordeined
the higher courte should have the chiefe authoritie and power over all
things, and chiefly to see the lawe executed and maintained: supposing
that the common weale being settled, and stayed with these two courtes
(as with two stronge anker holdes) it should be the lesse turmoyled and
troubled, and the people also better pacified and quieted. The most parte
of writers holde this opinion, that it was Solon which erected the counsaill
of the Areopagites, as we have sayed, and it is very likely to be true,
for that Dracon in all his lawes and ordinaunces made no manner of mention
of the Areopagites, but allwayes speaketh to the Ephetes (which were judges
of life and death) when he spake of murder, or of any mans death. Not-
<Plut1-238> SOLON withstanding, the eight law of the thirtenth table
of Solon sayeth thus, in these very words. All such as have bene banished
or detected of naughty life, before Solon made his laws, shalbe restored
againe to their goodes & good name, except those which were condemned
by order of the counsaill of the Areopagites, or by the Ephetes, or by
the Kings in open courte, for murder, and death of any man, or for aspiring
to usurpe tyrannie. These wordes to the contrarie, seeme to prove and testifie,
that the counsell of the Areopdgites was, before Solon was chosen reformer
of the lawes. For howe could offenders and wicked men be condemned, by
order of the counsell of the Areopagites before Solon, if Solon was the
first that gave it authoritie to judge? onles a man will saye peradventure,
that he would a litle helpe the matter of his lawes which were obscure
and darke, and would supply that they lacked, with expounding of the same
by them. Those which shalbe founde attainted and convicted of any matter,
that hath bene heard before the counsaill of the Areopagites, the Ephetes,
or the governours of the cittie when this lawe shall come forth: shall
stand condemned still, and all other shalbe pardoned, restored, & set
at liberde. Howsoever it is, sure that was his intent & meaning. Furthermore
amongest the rest of his lawes, one of them in deede was of his owne devise:
for the like was never stablished els where. And it is that lawe, that
pronounceth him defamed, and unhonest, who in a civill uprore among the
cittizens, sitteth still a looker on, and a neawter, and taketh parte with
neither side. Whereby his minde was as it should appeare, that private
men should not be only carefull to put them selves and their causes in
safety, nor yet should be careles for others mens matters, or thincke it
a vertue not to medle with the miseries and misfortunes of their countrie,
but from the beginning of every sedition that they should joyne with
SOLON <Plut1-239> those that take the justest cause in hande, and
rather to hazarde+ them selves with such, then to tarie looking (without
putting them selves in daunger) which of the two should have the victorie.
There is another lawe also, which at the first sight me thinketh is very
unhonest and fond. That if any man according to the lawe hath matched with
a riche heire and inheritour, and of him selfe is impotent, and unable
to doe the office of a husband, she maye lawfully lye with any whom she
liketh, of her husbands nearest kinsemen. Howbeit some affirme, that it
is a wise made lawe for those, which knowing them selves unmeete to entertaine
wedlocke, will for covetousnes of landes, marye with riche heires and possessioners,
& minde to abuse poore gentlewoman under the colour of lawe: and will
thincke to force and restraine nature. For, seeing the lawe suffereth an
inheritour or possessioner thus ill bestowed, at her pleasure to be bolde
with any of her husbands kynne: men will either leave to purchase such
mariages, or if they be so careles that they will nedes marye, it shalbe
to their extreme shame and ignominie, and so shall they deservedly paye
for their greedy covetousness And the lawe is well made also, bicause the
wife hath not scope to all her husbands kynsemen, but unto one choyce man
whom she liketh best of his house: to the ende that the children that shalbe
home, shalbe at the least of her husbands bloude and kynred. This also
confirmeth the same, that such a newe maryed wife should be shut up with
her husband, and eate a quince with him: and that he also which maryeth
such an inheritour, should of duety see her thryse a moneth at the least.
For although he get no children of her, yet it is an honour the husband
doth to his wife, arguing that he taketh her for an honest woman, that
he loveth her, and that he esteemeth of her. Besides, it taketh awaye many
mislikings and displeasures which oftentimes happen in
<Plut1-240> SOLON such cases, and keepeth love and good will waking,
that it dye not utterly betweene them. Furthermore, he tooke away all joynters
and dowries in other mariages, and willed that the wives should bring their
husbands but three gownes only, with some other litle moveables of small
value, and without any other thing as it were: utterly forbidding that
they should buye their husbands, or that they should make marchaundise
of mariages+, as of other trades to gaine, but would that man and woman
should marye together for issue, for pleasure, and for love, but in no
case for money. And for proofe hereof, Dionysius the tyranne of SICILE,
one daye aunswered his mother (which would needes be maried to a young
man of SYRACVSA) in this sorte. I have power (saieth he) to breake the
lawes of SYRACVSA, by having the Kingdome: but to force the law of nature,
or to make mariage without the reasonable compasse of age, that passeth
my reache and power. So is it not tolerable, and much lesse allowable also,
that such disorder should be in well ordered citties, that such uncomely
and unfit mariages should be made, betweene coples of so unequall yeres:
considering there is no meete nor necessary ende of such matches. A wise
governour of a cittie, or a judge and reformer of lawes and manners, might
well saye to an olde man that should marye with a young mayde, as the Poet
sayeth of Philoctetes: Ah seely wretche, how trymme a man arte thou, at
these young yeres for to be maryed nowe? And finding a young man in an
olde riche womans house, getting his living by riding of her errants, and
waxing fat as they saye the partridge doth by treading of the hennes: he
maye take him from thence, to bestowe him on some young mayde that shall
have neede of a husband. And thus much for this matter. But they great-
SOLON <Plut1-241> ly commend another lawe of Solons, which forbiddeth
to speake ill of the dead. For it is a good and godly thing to thinke,
that they ought not to touche the dead, no more than to touche holy things:
and men should take great heede to offende those that are departed out
of this world, besides it is a token of wisedome and civillitie, to beware
of immortall enemies. He commaunded also in the selfe same lawe, that no
man should speake ill of the living, specially in Churches, during divine
service, or in counsaill chamber of the cittie, nor in the Theaters whilest
games were a playing: upon payne of three silver Drachmes to be payed to
him that was injured, and two to the common treasurie. For he thought it
to much shameles boldness in no place to keepe in ones choller, and moreover,
that such lacked civillitie and good manners: and yet altogether to suppresse
and smother it, he knewe it was not only a harde matter, but to some natures
unpossible. And he that maketh lawes, must have regarde to the common possibilitie
of men, if he will punishe litle, with profitable example, & not much
without some profit. So was he marvelously well thought of, for the lawe
that he made touching willes & testaments. For before, men might not
lawfully make their heires whom they would, but the goodes came to the
children or kynred of the testatour. But he leaving it at libertie, to
dispose their goods where they thought good, so they had no children of
their owne: dyd therein preferre friendship+ before kynred, and good will
and favour before necessitie and constrainte, and so made every one lorde
and master of his owne goodes. Yet he dyd not simply and a like allowe
all sortes of giftes, howsoever they were made: but those only which were
made by men of sound memories or by those whose wittes fayled them not
by extreme sickness or through drincks, medicines, poysonings, charmes,
or other such violence and ex-
<Plut1-242> SOLON ordinarie meanes, neither yet through the intisements
and persuasions of women. AS thincking very wisely, there was no difference
at all betweene those that were evidently forced by constraint, and those
that were compassed and wrought by subornation at length to doe a thing
against their will, taking fraude in this case equall with violence, &
pleasure with sorowe, as passions with madnes, which commonly have as much
force the one as the other, to drawe and drive men from reason. He made
another lawe also, in which he appointed women their times to goe abroade
into the fieldes, their mourning, their feastes and sacrifices, plucking
from them all disorder and wilfull libertie, which they used before. For
he dyd forbid that they should carie out of the cittie with them above
three gownes, and to take vittells with them above the value of an halfe
pennie, neither basket nor pannier above a cubite highe: and specially
he dyd forbid them to goe in the night, other then in their coche, and
that a torche should be caried before them. He dyd forbid them also at
the buriall of the dead, to teare and spoyle them selves with blowes, to
make lamentations in verses, to weepe at the funeralles of a straunger
not being their kinseman, to sacrifice an oxe on the grave of the dead,
to burie above three gownes with the corse, to goe to other mens graves,
but at the very time of burying the corse: all which or the most parte
of them, are forbidden by our lawes at this daye. {mourning+} Moreover,
those lawes appointe a penaltie upon such women as offende in the same,
to be distrayned for, by certaine officers expressely named, to controll
and reforme the abuses of women, as womanish persones and faynte harted,
which suffer them selves to be overcome with such passions and fondnes
in their mourning. And perceyving that the cittie of ATHENS beganne to
replenish daylie more and more, by mens repayring thither from all partes,
and by reason of
SOLON <Plut1-243> the great assured safetie, and libertie that they
founde there: and also considering howe the greatest parte of the Realme
became in manner heathy, and was very barren, and that men traffeking the
seas, are not wonte to bring any marchaundise to those, which can geve
them nothing againe in exchannge: he beganne to practise that his cittizens
should give them selves unto craftes and occupations, and made a lawe,
that the sonne should not be bounde to relieve his father being olde, onles
he had set him in his youth to some occupation. It was a wise parte of
Lycurgus (who dwelt in a cittie where was no resorte of straungers, and
had so great a territorie as could have furnished twise as many people,
as Euripides sayeth, and moreover on all sides was environned with a great
number of slaves of the ILOTES whomi t was needefull to keepe still in
labour and worcke continually) to have his cittizens allwayes occupied
in exercises of feates of armes, without making them to learne any other
science, but discharged them of all other miserable occupations and handy
craftes. But Solon framing his lawes unto things, & not things unto
lawes, when he sawe the countrie of ATTICA so leane and barren, that it
could hardely bring forth to susteine those that tilled the grounde only,
and therefore much more impossible to keepe so great a multitude of idle
people as were in ATHENS: thought it very requisite to set up occupations,
and to geve them countenaunce and estimation. Therefore he ordeined, that
the counsaill of the Areopagites, should have full power, and authoritie
to enquier how every man lived in the cittie, & also to punishe such
as they found idle people, and dyd not labour. But this was thought to
severe and straight a lawe which he ordeined (as Heraclides Pontilus writeth)
that the children borne of common harlotts and strumpets should not be
bounde to relieve their fathers. For he that maketh no accompt of matrimonie,
SOLON <Plut1-244> plainely sheweth that he tooke not a wife to have
children, but only to satisfie his lust and pleasure: {Gloucester+} and
so such an one hath his just reward, and is disapointed of the reverence
that a father ought to have of his children, since through his owne faulte
the birth of his childe falleth out to his reproche. Yet to saye truely,
in Solons laws touching women, there are many absurdities, as they fall
out ill favoredly. For he maketh it lawfull for any man to kill an adulterer
taking him with the facte. But he that ravisheth or forcibly taketh awaye
a free woman, is only condemned to paye a hundred silver drachmes. And
he that was the Pandor to procure her, should only paye twenty drachmes.
Onles she had bene a common strumpet or curtisan: for such doe justefy
open accesse, to all that will hier them. Furthermore, he doth forbid any
persone to sell his daughters or sisters, onles the father or brother had
taken them, abusing them selves before mariage. Me thincketh it is farre
from purpose and reason, with severitie to punish a thing in one place,
and over lightly to passe it over in another: or to set some light fine
on ones head for a great faulte, and after to discharge him, as it were
but a matter of sporte. Onles they will excuse it thus, that money being
very harde and scante at that time in ATHENS, those fines were then very
great and grievous to paye. For in setting out the charges of offerings
which should be made in sacrifices, he appointed a weather to be a convenient
offering, and he setteth a busshell of corne at a silver drachme. More
he ordeined, that they which wonne any of the games at ATHENS, should paye
to the common treasurie an hundred drachmes. And those that wonne any of
the games Olympicall, five hundred drachmes. Also he appointed that he
which brought a he woulfe, should have five drachmes, & him one drachme
for reward of a she woulfe. Whereof as Demetrius Phalerian writeth: the
one was the price
SOLON <Plut1-245> of an oxe, and the other of a mutton. For, touching
the rates he ordeined in the sixtenth table of his lawes mete for burnt
sacrifices, it is likely he dyd rate them at a much higher price, then
ordinarilie they were worth: and yet notwithstanding, the price whch he
setteth, is very litle in comparison of that which they are worth at this
daye. Nowe it was a custome ever amongest the ATHENIANS to kill their woulfes,
bicause all their countrie laye for pasture, and not for tillage. Some
there be that saye, the tribes of the people of ATHENS have not bene called
after the names of the children of Ion, as the common opinion hath bene:
but that they were called after their divers trades & manners of living,
which they tooke them selves unto from the beginning. For, such as gave
them selves unto the warres, were called Oplites: as who would saye, men
of armes. Those that wrought in their occupations, were called Ergades:
as much to saye, as men of occupation. The other two which were to say
husbandmen, & followed the plough, were called Teleontes: as you would
saye, labouring men. And those that kept beastes and cattell, were called
AEgicores: as much to saye, as heard men. Nowe, forasmuch as the whole
province of ATTICA was very drye, and had great lacke of water, being not
full of rivers, ronning streames, nor lakes, nor yet stored with any great
number of springs, insomuch as they are driven there to use (through the
most parte of the countrie) water drawen out of welles made with mens handes:
he made such an order, that where there was any well within the space of
an Hippicon, that every bodye within that circuite, might come and drawe
water onely at that well, for his use and necessities Hippicon is the distaunce
of foure furlonges, which is half a mile: and those that dwelt further
of, should goe seeke their water in other places where they would. But
if they had digged tenne yardes deepe in their grounde, and could finde
no
<Plut1-246> SOLON water in the bottome, in this case, they might
lawfully goe to their next neighbours well, and take a pot full of water
conteining six gallons, twise a daye: judging it great reason that necessitie
should be holpen, but not that idlenes should be cherished. He appointed
also the spaces that should be kept and observed by those, that would set
or plant trees in their ground, as being a man very skilfull in these matters.
For he ordeined, that whosoever would plante any kynde of trees in his
grounde, he should set them five foote a sonder one from another: but for
the figge tree and olyve tree specially, that they should in any case be
nine foote a sonder, bicause these two trees doe spread out their branches
farre of, and they cannot stand neere other trees but they must needes
hurte them very much. For besides that they drawe awaye the same that doth
nourishe the other trees, they cast also a certaine moisture & steame
upon them, that is very hurtefull and incommodious. More he ordeined, that
whosoever would digge a pytte or hole in his grounde, he should digge it
as farre of from his neighbours pyt, as the pytte he digged was in depth
to the bottome. And he that would set up a hive of bees in his grounde,
he should set them at the least three hundred foote from other hives set
about him before. And of the fruites of the earth, he was contented they
should transporte and sell only oyle out of the Realme to straungers, but
no other fruite or graine. He ordeined that the governour of the cittie
should yerely proclaime open curses against those that should doe to the
contraries or els he him selfe making default therein, should be fined
at a hundred drachmes. This ordinaunce is in the first table of Solons
lawes, and therefore we maye not altogether discredit those which saye,
they did forbid in the olde time that men should carie figges out of the
countrie of ATTICA, and that from thence it came that these picke thanckes,
which bewraye and ac-
SOLON <Plut1-247> cuse them that transported figges, were called
Sycophantes. He made another lawe also against the hurte that beastes might
doe unto men. Wherein he ordeined, that if a dogge did bite any man, he
that ought him should deliver to him that was bitten, his dogge tyed to
a logge of timber of foure cubites longe: and this was a very good devise,
to make men safe from dogges. But he was very straight in one lawe he made,
that no straunger might be made denizen and free man of the cittie of ATHENS,
onles he were a banished man for ever out of his countrie, or els that
he should come and dwell there with all his familie, to exercise some crafte
or science. Notwithstanding, they saye he made not this lawe so much to
put straungers from their freedome there, as to drawe them thither, assuring
them by this ordinaunce, they might come and be free of the cittie: and
he thought moreover, that both the one & the other would be more faithfull
to the common weale of ATHENS. The one of them,for that against their willes
they were driven to forsake their countrie: and the other sorte, for that
advisedly and willingly they were contented to forsake it. This also was
another of So-Ions lawes, which he ordeined for those that should feast
certen dayes at the towne house of the cittie, at other mens cost. For
he would not allow, that one man should come often to feasts there. And
if any man were invited thither to the feast, and dyd refuse to come: he
dyd set a fine on his head, as reproving the miserable niggardlines of
the one, and the presumptuous arrogancy of the other, to contemne and despise
common order. After he had made his lawes, he dyd stablishe them to continewe
for the space of one hundred yeres, and they were written in tables of
wood called Axones, which were made more long then broade, in the which
they were graven: whereof there remaine some monuments yet in our time,
which are to be seene in the
<Plut1-248> SOLON towne hall of the cittie of ATHENS. Aristotle
sayeth, that these tables were called Cyrbes. And Cratinus also the Comicall
poet sayeth in one place, of Solon and Dracon: that Cyrbes was a vessell
or panne wherein they dyd frye millet or hirse. Howbeit others saye, that
Cyrbes properly were the tables, which contained the ordinaunces of the
sacrifices: and Axones were the other tables, that concerned the common
weale. So, all the counsels and magistrates together dyd sweare, that they
would kepe Solons lawes them selves, and also cause them to be observed
of others, throughly and particularly. Then every one of the Thesmothetes
(which were certaine officers attendaunt on the counsell, and had speciall
charge to see the lawes observed) dyd solemnly sweare in the open market
place, neere the stone where the proclamations are proclaimed: and every
of them, both promised, and vowed openly to keepe the same lawes, and that
if any of them dyd in any one pointe breake the said ordinaunces, then
they were content that such offender should paye to the temple of Apollo,
at the cittie of DELPHES, an image of fine golde, that should waye as much
as him self. Moreover Solon seeing the disorder of the moneths, and the
moving of the moone, which followed not the course of the sunne, and used
not to rise and fall when the sunne doth, but oftetimes in one daye, it
doth both touche and passe the sunne: he was the first that called the
chaunge of the moone, Enecai nea, as much to saye, as olde and newe moone.
Allowing that which appeared before the conjunction, to be of the moneth
past: and that which shewed it self after the conjunction, to be of the
moneth following. And he was the first also (in my opinion) that understoode
Homer rightly, when he sayed: then beginneth the moneth when it endeth.
The day following the chaunge, he called Neomenia, as much to saye, as
the newe moneth, or the newe moone. After the twenty day
SOLON <Plut1-249> of the moneth which they called Icada, he reckoned
not the rest of the moneth, as increasing, but as in the wane: and gathered
it by seing the light of the moone decreasing untill the thirtie day. Now
after his lawes were come abroade, and proclaimed, there came some daylie
unto him, which either praised them, or misliked them: and prayed him either
to take awaye, or to adde some thing unto them. Many againe came and asked
him, howe he understoode some sentence of his lawes: and requested him
to declare his meaning, and how it should be taken. Wherefore considering
howe it were to no purpose to refuse to doe it, and againe howe it would
get him much envie and ill will to yelde thereunto: he determined (happen
what would) to winde him selfe out of these bryars, and to flye the gronings,
complaints, and quarrells of his cittizens. For he sayeth him selfe: Full
harde it is, all mindes content to have, and specially in matters harde
and grave. So, to convey him self a while out of the waye, he tooke upon
him to be master of a shippe in a certaine voyage, and asked licence for
tenne yeres of the ATHENIANS to goe beyond sea, hoping by that time the
ATHENIANS would be very well acquainted with his lawes. So went he to the
seas, and the first place of his arrivall was in EGYPT, where he remained
a while, as he him self sayeth. Even there where Nylus, with his crooked
cranckes by Canobe falles into the sea banckes. He went to his booke there,
and dyd conferre a certaine time with Psenophis Heliopolitan, and Sonchis
Saitan, two of the wisest priestes at that time that were in EGYPT: whom
when he heard rehearse the storie of the Iles ATLANTIDES as Plato writeth,
he proved to put the same
<Plut1-250> SOLON in verse, and dyd send it abroade through GRECE.
At his departure out of EGYPT he went into CYPRVS, where he had great curtesy
and friendship of one of the princes of that countries called Philocyprus,
who was lorde of a prety litle cittie which Demophon (Theseus sonne) caused
to be built upon the river of Clarie, and was of a goodly strong situation,
but in a very leane and barren countrie. Whereupon Solon tolde him, it
would doe better a great deale to remove it out of that place, into a very
fayer and pleasaunt valley that laye underneath it, and there to make it
larger and statelier then it was: which was done according to his persuasion.
And Solon self being present at it, was made overseer of the buildings,
which he dyd helpe to devise and order in good sorte, aswell in respect
of pleasure, as for force and defence: insomuch as many people came from
other places to dwell there. And herein many other lordes of the countrie
dyd followe th'example of this Philocyprus, who to honour Solon, called
his cittie SOLES, which before was called ZEPIA. Solon in his Elegies maketh
mention of this foundation, directing his wordes unto Philocyprus, as followeth.
So graunt the goddes, that thou, and thine offspring maye clyme to great,
and passing princely gate: long time to live, in Soles florishing. And
that they graunt, my shippe and me good gate when I from hence, by seas
shall take my waye: that with her harpe, dame Venus doe vouchesafe to waft
me still, untill she maye conveye my selfe againe, into my country safe.
Since I have bene, the only meane and man, which here to build, this cittie
first beganne. And as for the meeting & talke betwext him & king
Croesus, I know there are that by distance of time will prove it but a
fable, and devised of pleasure: but for my
SOLON <Plut1-251> parte I will not reject, nor condemne so famous
an historie, received & approved by so many grave testimonies. Moreover
it is very agreable to Solons manners and nature, and also not unlike to
his wisedom and magnanimitie: although in all pointes it agreeth not with
certaine tables (which they call Chronicles) where they have busily noted
the order and course of times which even to this daye, many have curiously
sought to correct, and could yet never discusse it, nor accorde all contrarieties
and manifest repugnaunces in the same. Solon at the desire and request
of Croesus, went to see him in the cittie of SARDIS. When Solon was come
thither, he seemed to be in the selfe same taking that a man was once reported
to be: who being borne & bred up on the mayne lande, & had never
seene the sea neither farre nor neere, did imagine every river that he
sawe had bene the sea. So Solon passing alongest Croesus palace, &
meeting by the waye many of the lordes of his courte richely apparelled,
and carying great traines of serving men, and souldiers about them: thought
ever that one of them had bene the King, untill he was brought unto Croesus
selfe. Who was passing richely arrayed, what for precious stones and juells,
and for riche cullered silkes, layed on with curious goldsmithes worke,
and all to shewe him self to Solon in most stately, sumptuous, and magnificent
manner. Who perceiving by Solons repayre to his presence, that he shewed
no manner of signe, nor countenance of woundring, to see so great a state
before him, neither had geven out any word neere or likely to that which
Croesus looked for in his owne imagination, but rather had delivered speaches
for men of judgement and understanding to know, how inwardly he much did
mislike Croesus+ foolish vanitie+ and base minde: then Croesus commaunded
all his treasuries to be opened where his golde and silver laye, next that
they should shewe him his riche and sumptuous
<Plut1-252> SOLON wardroppes, although that needed not: for to see
Croesus selfe, it was enough to discerne his nature and condition. After
he had seene all over and over, being brought againe unto the presence
of the King: Croesus asked him, if ever he had seene any man more happy
than him self was? Solon aunswered him, I have: and that was one Tellus
a cittizen of ATHENS, who was a marvelous honest man, and had left his
children behind him in good estimation, and well to live, and lastly, was
most happy+ at his death, by dying honorably in the field, in defence of
his countrie. {posterity+} Croesus hearing this aunswer, beganne to judge
him a man of litle witte, or of grosse understanding, bicause he did not
thincke that to have store of gold and silver, was the only joye and felicitie
of the world, and that he would preferre the life and death of a meane
and private man as more happy, than all the riches and power of so mightie
a King. Notwithstanding all this, Croesus yet asked him again: What other
man beside Tellus he had seene happier than him self? Solon aunswered him,
that he had scene Cleobis and Biton, which were both brethern, and loved
one another singularly well, & their mother in such sorte: that upon
a solemne festivall daye, when she should goe to the temple of Juno in
her coche drawen with oxen: bicause they taried to long ere they could
be brought, they both willingly yoked them selves by the necks, and drue
their mothers coche in stead of the oxen, which marvelously rejoyced her,
and she was thought most happy of all other, to have borne two such sonnes.
Afterwards when they had done sacrifice to the goddesses and made good
cheere at the feast of this sacrifice, they went to bed: but they rose
not againe the next morning, for they were found dead without suffering
hurte or sorowe, after they had receyved so much glorie and honour. Croesus
then could no longer bridell in his pacience, but breaking out in choller,
sayed unto him:
SOLON <Plut1-253> why, doest thou recken me than in no degree of
happy men? Solon would neither flatter him, nor further increase his heate
but aunswered him thus: O King of LYDIANS, the godds have geven us GRECIANS
all things in a meane, and amongest other things chiefly, a base and popular
wisedome, not princely not noble: which, considering howe mans life is
subject to infinite chaunges, doth forbid us to trust or glorie in these
worldly riches. For time bringeth daylie misfortunes unto man, which he
never thought of, not looked for. But when the goddes have continued a
mans good fortune+ to his end, then we thinke that man happy and blessed,
and never before. Otherwise, if we should judge a man happy that liveth,
considering he is ever in daunger of chaunge during life: we should be
much like to him, who judgeth him the victorie before hande, that is still
a fighting, and maye be overcomen, having no suertie yet to carie it away.
After Solon had spoken these words, he departed from the Kings presence,
and returned backe againe, leaving king Croesus offended, but nothing the
wiser, not amended. Nowe Esope that wrote the fables, being at that time
in the cittie of SARDIS, and sent for thither by the King, who entertained
him very honorably: was very sorie to see that the King had geven Solon
no better entertainement: so by waye of advise he said unto him. O Solon,
either we must not come to princes at all, or els we must seeke to please
and content them. But Solon turning it to the contrary, aunswered him:
either we must not come to princes, or we must needes tell them truely,
and counsell them for the best. {Cordelia+} So Croesus made light accompt
of Solon at that time. But after he had lost the battell against Cyrus,
and that his cittie was taken, him self became prisoner, and was bounde
fast to a gibbet, over a great stacke of wood, to be burnt in the sight
of all the PERSIANS, and of Cyrus his enemie: he then cried out as lowde
as he
<Plut1-254> SOLON could, thryse together. O Solon. Cyrus being abashed,
sent to aske him, whether this Solon he only cried upon in his extreme
miserie, was a god or man. Croesus kept it not secret from him, but sayed:
he was one of the wise men of GRECE, whom I sent for to come unto me on
a certaine time, not to learne any thing of him which I stoode in neede
of, but only that he might witnesse my felicitie, which then I dyd enjoye:
the losse whereof is nowe more hurtefull, than the enjoying of the same
was good or profitable. But nowe (alas) to late I know it, that the riches
I possessed then, were but words and opinion, all which are turned now
to my bitter sorowe, and to present and remediles calamitie. Which the
wise GRECIAN considering then, and foreseeing a farre of by my doings at
that time, the instant miserie I suffer nowe: gave me warning I should
marke the ende of my life, and that I should not to farre presume of my
selfe, as puffed up then with vaine glorie of opinion of happiness the
ground thereof being so slippery and of so litle suertie. These wordes
being reported unto Cyrus, who was wiser than Croesus, and seeing Solons
saying confirmed by so notable an example: he dyd not only deliver Croesus
from present perill of death, but ever after honoured him so long as he
lived. Thus had Solon glorie, for saving the honour of one of these Kings:
and the life of the other, by his grave and wise counsaill. But during
the time of his absence, great seditions rose at ATHENS amongest the inhabitants,
who had gotten them severall heades {Lear+} amongest them: as those of
the vallie had made Lyrurgus their head. The coast men, Megacles, the sonne
of Alcmaeon. And those of the mountaines, Pisistratus: with whom all artificers
and crafts men living of their handie labour were joyned, which were the
stowtest against the riche. So that notwithstanding the cittie kept Solons
lawes and ordinaunces, yet was there not that man but gaped
SOLON <Plut1-255> for a chaunge, and desired to see things in another
state: either parties hoping their condition would mende by chaunge, and
that every of them should be better than their adversaries. The whole common
weale broyling thus with troubles, Solon arrived at ATHENS, where every
man did honour and reverence him, howbeit he was no more able to speake
alowde in open assembly to the people, nor to deale in matters as he had
done before, bicause his age would not suffer him: & therefore he spake
with every one of the heades of the severall factions a parte, trying if
he could agree and reconcile them together againe. Whereunto Pisistratus
seemed to be more willing then any of the rest, for he was curteous, &
marvelous fayer spoken, and shewed him selfe besides, very good and pittiefull
to the poore, and temperate also to his enemies: further, if any good quality
were lacking in him, he dyd so finely counterfeate it, that men imagined
it was more in him, than in those that naturally had it in them in deede.
AS to be a quiet man, no medler, contented with his owne, aspiring no higher,
& hating those which would attempt to chaunge the present state of
the common weale, and would practise any innovation. By this arte and fine
manner of his, he deceyved the poore common people. Howbeit Solon found
him straight, and sawe the marke he shot at: but yet hated him not at that
time, and sought still to winne him, and bring him to reason, saying oftetimes,
both to him selfe, and to others. That who so could plucke out of his head
the worme of ambition+, by which he aspired to be the chiefest, and could
heale him of his greedy desire to rule: there could not be a man of more
vertue, or a better cittizen than he would prove. About this time beganne
Thespis to set out his tragedies, which was a thing that much delited the
people for the rarenes thereof, being not many poets yet in number, to
strive one against another for victorie, as
<Plut1-256> SOLON afterwards there were. Solon being naturally desirous
to heare and learne, and by reason of his age seeking to passe his time
awaye in sportes, in musicke, and making good cheere more then ever he
dyd: went one daye to see Thespis, who played a parte him selfe, as the
olde facion of the Poets was, and after the playe was ended, he called
him to him, and asked him: if he were not ashamed to lye so openly in the
face of the worlde. Thespis aunswered him, that it was not materiall to
doe or saye any such things, considering all was but in sporte. Then Solon
beating the grounde with his staffe he had in his hande: but if we commend
lying in sporte (quoth he) we shall finde it afterwards in good earnest,
in all our bargaines and dealings. Shortely after Pisistratus having wounded
him self, and bloudied all his bodie over, caused his men to carie him
in his coche into the market place, where he put the people in an uprore,
and tolde them that they were his enemies that thus traiterously had handled
and arraied him, for that he stoode with them about the governing of the
common weale: insomuch as many of them were marvelously offended, and mutined
by and by, crying out it was shamefully done. Then Solon drawing neere
sayed unto him, O thou sonne of Hippocrates, thou doest ill favoredly counterfeate
the persone of Homers Ulysses: for thou hast whipped thy self to deceive
thy cittizens, as he did teare and scratch him self, to deceive his enemies.
Notwithstanding this, the common people were still in uprore, being ready
to take armes for Pisistratus: and there was a generall counsell assembled,
in the which one Ariston spake, that they should graunte fiftie men, to
cary holberds and mases before Pisistratus for garde of his persone. But
Solon going up into the pulpit for orations, stowtely invayed against it:
and persuaded the people with many reasons, like unto these he wrote afterwards
in verse.
SOLON <Plut1-257> Eche one of you (O men) in private actes, can
playe the foxe, for slye and subtill craft But when you come, yfore (in
all your factes) then you are blinde, dull witted and bedaft. For pleasaunt
speache, and painted flatterie, beguile you still, the which you never
spye. But in the ende, seeing the poore people dyd tumult still, taking
Pisistratus parte, and that the riche fled here and there, he went his
waye also, saying: he had shewed him selfe wiser than some, and hardier
than other. Meaning, wiser than those which sawe not Pisistratus reache
and fetche: and hardier than they which knewe very well he dyd aspire to
be King, and yet nevertheles durst not resist him. The people went on with
the motion of Ariston, and authorised the same, touching the graunte of
halberders: limiting no number, but suffered him to have about him and
to assemble, as many as he would, untill such time as he had gotten possession
of the castell. Then the cittie was marvelously affrayed & amazed:
and presently Megacles, and all those which were of the house of the Alcmeonides
dyd flye. Solon, who for yeares was now at his last cast, and had no man
to sticke unto him: went notwithstanding into the market place, and spake
to the cittizens whom he found there, and rebuked their beastlines, and
faynte cowardly hartes, and encouraged them not to lose their libertie.
He spake at that time notably, and worthie memorie, which ever after was
remembred. Before sayed he, you might more easely have stayed this present
tyrannie: but nowe that it is already facioned, you shall winne more glorie,
utterly to suppresse it. But for all his goodly reasons, he found no man
that would hearken to him, they were all so amazed. Wherefore he hied him
home againe, and tooke his weapons out of his house, and layed them before
his gate in the
<Plut1-258> SOLON middest of the streete, saying: For my parte,
I have done what I can possible, to help and defend the lawes and liberties
of my countrie. So from that time he betooke him selfe unto his ease, and
never after delt any more in matters of state, or commonweale. His friends
dyd counsell him to flye: but all they could not persuade him to it. For
he kept his house, and gave him selfe to make verses: in which he sore
reproved the ATHENIANS faults, saying: If presently your burden heavy be:
yet murmure not against the godds therefore. The fault is yours as you
yourselves maye see, which graunted have of mightie mars the lore, to such
as nowe, by your direction, doe holde your neckes, in this subjection.
His friends hereupon dyd warne him, to beware of such speaches, and to
take hede what he sayed: least if it came unto the tyrannes eares, he might
put him to death for it. And further, they asked him wherein he trusted,
that he spake so boldly. He aunswered them, in my age. Howbeit Pisistratus
after he had obteined his purpose, sending for him upon his worde and faith,
dyd honour and entertaine him so well, that Solon in the ende became one
of his counsaill, and approved many things which he dyd. For Pisistratus
him selfe dyd straightly keepe, and caused his friends to keepe Solons
lawes. Insomuch as when he was called by proces into the courte of the
Areopagites for a murther, even at that time when he was a tyrante: he
presented him selfe very modestly to aunswer his accusation, and to purge
him selfe thereof. But his accuser let fall the matter, and followed it
no further. Pisistratus him selfe also dyd make newe lawes: as this. That
he that had bene maymed, and made lame of any member in the warres, should
be maintained all his life
SOLON <Plut1-259> long, at the common charges of the cittie. The
selfe same was before decreed by Thersippus (as Heraclides writeth) by
Solons persuasion: who dyd preferre it to the counsell. Pisistratus afterwards
tooke holde of the motion, and from thence forth made it a generall lawe.
Theophrastus sayeth also, it was Pisistratus, and not Solon, that made
the lawe for idlenes: which was the only cause that the countrie of ATTICA
became more fruitefull, being better manured: & the cittie of ATHENS
waxed more quiet. But Solon having begonne to write the storie of the Iles
ATLANTIDES in verse (which he had learned of the wise men of the cittie
of SAIS in EGYPT, and was very necessary for the ATHENIANS) grewe wearye,
& gave it over in mid waye: not for any matters or busines that troubled
him, as Plato sayed, but only for his age, and bicause he feared the tediousnes
of the worke. For otherwise he had leysure enough, as appeareth by his
verses where he sayeth: I growe olde, and yet I learne still. And in another
place where he sayeth, Nowe Venus yeldes me swete delights, and Bacchus
lends
me comfort still: the muses eke, refreshe my sprights, and much relieve
my weary will. These be the pointes of perfect ease, which all mens mindes
oftetimes doe please. Plato afterwards for beawtifying of the storie and
fables of the Iles ATLANTIDES, was desirous to dilate them out at length,
as if he would by waye of speache have broken up a field or laye lande
of his owne, or that this gifte had descended to him of right from Solon.
He beganne to raise up a stately fronte unto the same, and enclosed it
with high walles, and large squared courtes at
<Plut1-260> SOLON the entrie thereof: such was it, as never any
other worke, fable, or poeticall invention had ever so notable, or the
like. But bicause he beganne a litle to late, he ended his life before
his worke, leaving the readers more sorowfull for that was left unwritten,
than they tooke pleasure in that they founde written. For even as in the
cittie of ATHENS, the temple of Jupiter Olympian only remained unperfect:
so the wisdome of Plato (amongest many goodly matters of his that have
come abroade) left none of them unperfect, but the only tale of the Iles
ATLANTIDES. Solon lived long time after Pisistratus had usurped the tyrannie,
as Heraclides Ponticus writeth. Howbeit Phanias Ephesian writeth, that
he lived not above two yeres after. For Pistratus usurped tyrannicall power
in the yere that Comias was chief governour in ATHENS. And Phanias writeth,
that Solon dyed in the yere that Hegestratus was governour, which was the
next yere after that. And where some saye, the ashes of his bodie were
after his death strawed abroade through the Ile of SALAMINA: that seemeth
to be but a fable, and altogether untrue. Nevertheles it hath bene written
by many notable authours, and amongegt others, by Aristotle the philosopher.
The ende of Solons life.
The Life of Publius Valerius Publicola+ NOWE we have declared what
Solon was, we have thought good to compare him with Publicola, to whom
the ROMAINE people for an honour gave that surname: for he was called before
Publius Valerius, descended from that auncient Valerius, who was one of
the chiefest worckers and meanes, to bring the ROMAINES & the SABYNES
that were mortall enemies, to joyne together as one people. For it was
he that most moved the two Kings to agree, and joyne together. Publicola
being descended of him, whilest the Kings dyd rule yet at ROME, was in
very great estimation, aswell for his eloquence, as for his riches: using
the one rightly and freely, for the maintenaunce of justice, and the other
liberally+ and curteously, for the relief of the poore. So that it was
<Plut1-261>
<Plut1-262> PVBLICOLA manifest, if the Realme came to be converted
into a publick estate, he should be one of the chiefest men of the same.
It chaunced that king Tarqutine+ surnamed the prowde, being come to the
crowne by no good lawfull meane, but contrarylie by indirect and wicked
wayes, and behaving him selfe not like a King, but like a cruell tyrante:
the people much hated and detested him, by reason of the death of Lucretia
(which killed her selfe for that she was forcibly ravished by him) and
so the whole cittie rose & rebelled against him. Lucius Brutus+ taking
upon him to be the head and captaine of this insurrection and rebellion,
dyd joyne first with this Valerius: who dyd greately favour and assist
his enterprise, and did helpe him to drive out king Tarquine with all his
house and familie. Nowe whilest they were thincking that the people would
chuse some one alone to be chief ruler over them, in stead of a King: Valerius
kept him selfe quiet, as yelding willingly unto Brutus the first place,
who was meetest for it, having bene the chief authour and worcker of their
recovered libertie. But when they sawe the name of Monarchie (as much to
saye, as soveraintie alone) was displeasaunt to the people, and that they
would like better to have the rule devided unto two, & how for this
cause they would rather choose two Consuls: Valerius then beganne to hope,
he should be the seconde persone with Brutus. Howbeit this hope fayled
him. For against Brutus will, Tarquinius Collatinus (the husband of Lucretia)
was chosen Consul with him: not bicause he was a man of greater vertue,
or of better estimation than Valerius. But the noble men of the cittie
fearing the practises of the Kings abroade, which sought by all the fayer
and flattering meanes they could to returne againe into the cittie: dyd
determine to make such an one Consul, whom occasion forced to be their
hard and heavy enemie, persuading them selves that Tarquinius Collatinus
would for
PVBLICOLA <Plut1-263> no respect yeld unto them. Valerius tooke
this matter grevously, but they had a mistrust in him, as if he would not
doe any thing he could, for the benefit of his countrie: notwithstanding
he had never any private injurie offered him by the tytannes. Wherfore,
he repaired no more unto the Senate to pleade for private men, and wholy
gave up to medle in matters of state: insomuch as he gave many occasion
to thincke of his absence, and it troubled some men much, who feared least
upon this his misliking and withdrawing, he would fall to the Kings side,
and so bring all the ciittie in an uprore, considering it stoode then but
in very tickle termes. But when Brutus who stoode in jealousie of some,
would by othe be assured of the Senate, and had appointed them a daye solemnely
to take their othes upon the sacrifices: Valerius then with a good cheerefull
countenaunce came into the market place, and was the first that tooke his
othe he would leave nothing undone, that might prejudice the Tarquines,
but with all his able power he would fight against them, and defend the
libertie of the cittie. This othe of his marvelously rejoyced the Senate,
and gave great assuraunce also to the Consuls, but specially, bicause his
dedes dyd shortly after performe his wordes. For there came ambassadours
to ROME which brought letters from king Tarquine, full of sweete and lowly
speaches to winne the favour of the people, with commission to use all
the mildest meanes they could, to dulce and soften the hardened harts of
the multitude: who declared how the King had left all pryde & crueltie,
& ment to aske nought but reasonable things. The Consuls thought best
to geve them open audience, and to suffer them to speake to the people.
But Valerius was against it, declaring it might perill the state much,
and deliver occasion of new sturre unto a multitude of poore people, which
were more affrayed of warres, then of tyrannie. After that,
<Plut1-264> PVBLICOLA there came other ambassadours also, which
sayed that Tarquine would from thenceforth for ever geve over and renounce
his title to the Kingdome, and to make any more warres, but besought them
only, that they would at the least deliver him and his friends their money
and goods, that they might have wherewithal to keepe them in their banishment.
Many came on a pace, and were very ready to yeld to this request, and specially
Collatinus, one of the Consuls who dyd favour their motion. But Brutus
that was a fast and resolute man, and very fierce in his harte, ranne immediately
into the market place, crying out that his fellowe Consul was a traytour,
and contented to graunt the tyrannes matter, and meanes to make warre upon
the cittie, where in deede they deserved not so much, as to be relieved
in their exile. Hereupon the people assembled together, and the first that
spake in this assembly, was a private man called Gaius Minutius, who speaking
unto Brutus, and to the whole assembly, sayed unto them, O noble Consul
and Senate, handle so the matter, that the tyrannes goods be rather in
your custodie to make warre with them, than in theirs, to bring warre upon
your selves. Notwithstanding, the ROMAINES were of opinion, that having
gotten the liberty, for which they fought with the tyrannes: they should
not disapoint the offered peace, with keeping backe their goodes, but rather
they should throwe their goods out after them. Howbeit this was the least
parte of Tarquines intent, to seeke his goodes againe: but under pretence
of that demaund, he secretly corrupted the people, and practised treason,
which his ambassadours followed, pretending only to get the Kings goodes
and his favourers together, saying, that they had already solde some parte,
and some parte they kept, and sent them daylie. So as by delaying the time
in this sorte with such pretences, they had corrupted two of the best and
aun-
PVBLICOLA <Plut1-265> cientest houses of the cittie: to wit, the
familie of the Aquilians, whereof there were three Senatours: and the familie
of the Vitellians, whereof there were two Senatours: all which by their
mothers, were Consul Collatinus nephewes. The Vitellians also were allied
unto Brutus, for he had maried their owne sister, and had many children
by her. Of the which the Vitellians had drawen to their stringe, two of
the eldest of them, bicause they familiarly frequented together, being
cosin germaines: whom they had intised to be of their conspiracie, allying
them with the house of the Tarquines, which was of great power, & through
the which they might persuade them selves to rise to great honour and preferment
by meanes of the Kings, rather than to trust to their fathers willfull
hardness. For they called his severitie to the wicked, hardnes: for that
he would never pardone any. Furthermore Brutus had fayned him selfe mad,
{Hamlet+} and a foole of long time for safety of his life, bicause the
tyrannes should not put him to death: so that the name of Brutus only remained.
After these two young men had geven their consent to be of the confederacie,
and had spoken with the Aquilians: they all thought good to be bounde one
to another, with a great and horrible othe, drincking the bloude of a man,
and shaking hands in his bowells, whom they would sacrifice. This matter
agreed upon betweene them, they met together too put their sacrifice in
execution, in the house of the Aquilians. They had fittely pickt out a
darcke place in the house to doe this sacrifice in, and where almost no
bodye came: yet it happened by chaunce, that one of the servants of the
house called Vindicius, had hidden him selfe there, unknowing to the traytours,
and of no set purpose, to spye and see what they dyd, or that he had any
manner of inckling thereof before: but falling by chaunce upon the matter,
even as the traytours came into that place with a coun-
<Plut1-266> PVBLICOLA tenaunce to doe some secret thing of importaunce,
fearing to be seene, he kept him selfe close, and laye behinde a coffer
that was there, so that he sawe all that was done, and what they sayed
and determined. The conclusion of their counsell in the ende was this,
that they would kill both the Consuls: and they wrote letters to Tarquinius
advertising the same, which they gave unto his ambassadours, being lodged
in the house of the Aquilians, and were present at this conclusion. With
this determination they departed from thence, and Vindicius came out also
as secretly as he could, being marvelously troubled in minde, and at a
maze howe to deale in this matter. For he thought it daungerous (as it
was in deede) to goe and accuse the two sonnes unto the father (which was
Brutus) of so wicked and delestable a treason, and the nephewes unto their
uncle, which was Collatinus. On the other side also, he thought this was
a secret, not to be imparted to any private persone, and not possible for
him to conceale it, that was bounde in duety to reveale it. So he resolved
at the last to goe to Valerius to bewraye this treason, of a special affection
to this man, by reason of his gentle and curteous using of men, geving
easy accesse and audience unto any that came to speake with him, and specially
for that he disdained not to heare poore mens causes. Vindicius being gone
to speake with him, and having tolde him the whole conspiracy before his
brother Marcus Valerius, & his wife, he was abashed and fearefull withall:
whereupon he stayed him least he should slippe awaye, and locked him in
a chamber, charging his wife to watche the doore, that no bodie went in
nor out unto him. And willed his brother also, that he should goe and beset
the Kings palace round about, to intercept these letters if it were possible,
and to see that none of their servants fled. Valerius selfe being followed
(according to his manner) with a great traine of his friendes
PVBLICOLA <Plut1-267> and people that wayted on him, went straight
unto the house of the Aquilians, who by chaunce were from home at that
time: and entring in at the gate, without let or trouble of any man, he
founde the letters in the chamber, where king Tarquines ambassadours laye.
Whilest he was thus occupied, the Aquilians having intelligence thereof,
ranne home immediately, and founde Valerius comming out at their gate.
So they would have taken those letters from him by force, and strong hande.
But Valerius and his company dyd resist them, & moreover hudded them
with their gownes over their heads, & by force brought them (doe what
they could) into the market place. The like was done also in the Kings
palace, where Alarcus Valerius founde other letters also wrapt up in certaine
fardells for their more safe cariage, and brought away with him by force
into the market place, all the Kings servaunts he founde there. There the
Consuls having caused silence to be made, Valerius sent home to his house
for this bondman Vindicius, to be brought before the Consuls: then the
traytours were openly accused, and their letters redde, and they had not
the face to aunswer one worde. All that were present, being amazed, honge
downe their heads, and behelde the grounde, and not a man durst once open
his mouth to speake, excepting a fewe, who to gratifie Brutus, beganne
to say that they should banishe them: and Collatinus also gave them some
hope, bicause he fell to weeping, and Valerius in like manner for that
he held his peace. But Brutus calling his sonnes by their names: come on
(sayed he) Titus, and thou Valerius, why doe you not aunswer to that you
are accused of and havin spoken thryse unto them to aunswer, when he sawe
they stoode mute, and sayed nothing: he turned him to the sergeants, and
sayed unto them. They are now in your handes, doe justice. So soone as
he had spoken these wordes, the sergeants layed holde
<Plut1-268> PVBLICOLA immediately upon the two young men, and tearing
their clothes of their backs, bounde their hands behinde them, and then
whipped them with roddes: which was such a pittiefull sight to all the
people, that they could not finde in their hartes to behold it, but turned
them selves another waye, bicause they would not see it. But contrariwise,
they saye that their owne father had never his eye of them, neither dyd
chaunge his austere and fierce countenaunce, with any pittie or naturall
affection towards them, but stedfastly dyd beholde the punishement of his
owne children, untill they were layed flat on the grounde, and both their
heads striken of with an axe before him. {justice+} When they were executed,
Brutus rose from the benche, and left the execution of the rest unto his
fellowe Consul. This was such an acte, as men cannot sufficiently prayse,
nor reprove enough. For either it was his excellent vertue, that made his
minde so quiet, or els the greatnes of his miserie that tooke awaye the
feeling of his sorowe: whereof neither the one nor the other was any small
matter, but passing the common nature of man, that hath in it both divinenes,
and somtime beastly brutishnes. But it is better the judgement of men should
commend his fame, then that the affection of men by their judgements should
diminishe his vertue. For the ROMAINES holde opinion, it was not so great
an acte done of Romulus first to build ROME: as it was for Brutus to recover
ROME, and the best libertie thereof, and to renewe the auncient government
of the same. When Brutus was gone, all the people in the market place remained
as they had bene in a maze, full of feare & wounder, and a great while
without speaking to see what was done. The Aquilians straight grew bold,
for that they sawe the other Consull Collatinus proceede gently, and mildly
against them: and so made petition they might have time geven them to aunswer
to the articles they were accused
PVBLICOLA <Plut1-269> of, and that they might have their slave and
bondman Vindicius delivered into their handes, bicause there was no reason
he should remaine with their accusers. The Consul seemed willing to yeld
thereto, and was ready to breake up the assembly thereupon. But Valerius
sayed, he would not deliver Vindicius (who was among the assembly that
attended upon his persone) and stayed the people besides for departing
awaye, least they should negligently let those escape that had so wickedly
sought to betraye their countrie. Untill he him selfe had layed handes
upon them, calling upon Brutus to assist him, with open exclamation against
Collatinus, that he dyd not behave him selfe like a just and true man,
seeing his fellowe Brutus was forced for justice sake to see his owne sonnes
put to death: and he in contrary manner, to please a fewe women, sought
to let goe manifest traitours, and open enemies to their countrie. The
Consul being offended herewith, commaunded they should bring awaye the
bondman Vindicius. So the sergeants making waye through the prease, layed
handes upon him to bring him awaye with them, and beganne to strike at
them which offered to resist them. But Valerius friends stept out before
them, & put them by. The people showted straight, and cried out for
Brutus: who with this noyse returned againe into the market place, and
after silence made him, he spake in this wise. For mine owne children,
I alone have bene their sufficient judge, to see them have the law according
to their deservings: the rest I have left freely to the judgment of the
people. Wherefore (sayed he) if any man be disposed to speake, let him
stand up, and persuade the people as he thinketh best. Then there needed
no more wordes, but only to hearken what the people cried: who with one
voyce & consent condenmed them, & cried execution, & accordingly
they had their heades striken of. Now was Consull Collatinus long before
<Plut1-270> PVBLICOLA had in some suspition, as allied to the Kings,
and disliked for his surname, bicause he was called Tarquinius: who perceyving
him selfe in this case much hated and mistrusted of the people, voluntarely
yelded up his Consulshippe, and departed the cittie. The people assembling
then them selves, to place a successout in his roome: they chose Valerius
in his roome, without the contradiction of any, for his faithfull travaill
and diligence bestowed in this great matter. Then Valerius judging that
Vindicius the bondman had well deserved also some recompence, caused him
not only to be manumised by the whole graunte of the people, but made him
a free man of the cittie besides: and he was the first bondman manumised
that was made cittizen of ROME, with permission also to geve his voyce
in all elections of officers, in any company or tribe he would be enrolled
in. Long time after that, and very lately, Appius to currie favour with
the common people, made it lawfull for bondmen manumised, to geve their
voyces also in elections, as other cittizens dyd: and unto this daye the
perfect manumising and freeing of bondmen, is called Vindicta, after the
name of this Vindicius, that was then made a free man. These things thus
passed over, the goodes of the Kings were geven to the spoyle of the people,
and their palaces were rased and overthrowen. Nowe amongest other lands,
the goodliest parte of the field of Mars was belonging unto king Tarquine:
the same they consecrated forthwith unto the god Mars, and not long before
they had cut downe the wheat thereof. The sheaves being yet in shocks in
the field, they thought they might not grinde the wheate, nor make any
commoditie of the profit thereof. wherefore they threwe both corne and
sheaves into the river, and trees also which they had hewen downe and rooted
up, to the end that the field being dedicated to the god Mars, should be
left bare, without bearing
PVBLICOLA <Plut1-271> any fruitc at all. These sheaves thus throwen
into the river, were caried down by the streame not farre from thence,
unto a forde and shallowe place of the water, where they first dyd staye,
and dyd let the other which came after, that it could goe no further: there
these heapes gathered together, and laye so close one to another, that
they beganne to sincke and settle fast in the water. Afterwards the streame
of the river brought downe continually such mudde and gravell, that it
ever increased the heape of corne more and more in suche sorte, that the
force of the water could no more remove it from thence, but rather softly
pressing & driving it together, dyd firms and harden it, and made it
growe so to lande. Thus this heape rising still in greatnes and firmenes,
by reason that all that came downe the river stayed there, it grewe in
the ende, and by time to spread so farre, that at this daye it is called
the holy Ilande in ROME: in which are many goodly temples of divers goddes,
and sundry walkes about it, and they call it in Latine, Inter duos pontes:
in our tongue, betweene the two bridges. Yet some write, that this thing
fell not out at that time when the field of the Tarquines was consecrated
unto Mars: but that it happened afterwardes, when one of the Vestall Nunnes,
called Tarquinia, gave a field of hers unto the people, which was hard
adjoyning unto Tarquines field. For which liberalitie & bowntie of
hers, they dyd graunte her in recompense many priviledges, and dyd her
great honour besides. AS amongest others, it was ordeined, that her word
and witnes should stand good, and be allowed, in matters judiciall: which
priviledge, never woman besides her self dyd enjoye. By speciall grace
of the people also, it was graunted her, that she might marie if she thought
it good: but yet she would not accept the benefit of that offer. Thus you
heare the reporte how this thing happened. Tarquinius then being past hope
of
<Plut1-272> PVBLICOLA ever entring into his Kingdome againe, went
yet unto the THUSCANS for succour, which were very glad of him: and so
they leavied a great armie together, hoping to have put him in his Kingdome
againe. The Consuls also hearing thereof, went out with their armie against
him. Both the armies presented them selves in battell raye, one against
another, in the holy places consecrated to the goddes: wherof the one was
called the wodde Arsia, and the other the meadowe Aesuvia. And as both
armies beganne to geve charge upon eche other, Aruns the eldest sonne of
king Tarquine, and the Consul Brutus encountered together, not by chaunce,
but sought for of set purpose to execute the deadly fode and malice they
dyd beare eache other. The one, as against a tyrante and enemie of the
libertie of his countrie: the other, as against him that bad bene chief
authour and worker of their exile and expulsion. So they set spurres to
their horses, so soone as they had spyed eche other, with more fury then
reason, and fought so desperately together, that they both fell starke
dead to the ground. The first onset of the battel being so cruee, the end
thereof was no lesse bloudy: until] both the armies having receyved and
done like damage to eche other, were parted by a marvelous great tempest
that fell upon them. Nowe was Valerius marvelously perplexed, for that
he knewe not which of them wanne the field that daye: seeing his souldiers
as sorowfull for the great losse of their men lying dead before them, as
they were glad of the slaughter and victorie of their enemies. For, to
viewe the multitude of the slaine bodies of either side, the number was
so equall in sight, that it was very hard to judge, of which side fell
out the greatest slaughter: so that both the one and the other viewing
by the eye the remaine of their campe, were persuaded in their opinion,
that they had rather lost then wonne, conjecturing a farre of the fall
of their
PVBLICOLA <Plut1-273> enemies. The night being come, such things
fell out, as maye be looked for after so terrible a battel. For when both
campes were all layed to rest, they saye the wodde wherein they laye incamped,
quaked and trembled: and they heard a voyce saye, that onely one man more
was slaine on the THVSCANS side, than on the ROMAINES parte. Out of doubt
this was some voyce from heaven: for the ROMAINES thereupon gave a shrill
showte, as those whose hartes receyved a newe quickening spirite or corage.
The THVSCANS on the contrarie parte were so affrayed, that the most parte
of them stole out of the campe, and scattered here and there: and there
remained behind about the number of five thousand men, whom the ROMAINES
tooke prisoners every one, and had the spoile of their campe. The carkasses
were viewed afterwards, and they found that there were slaine in that battell,
eleven thousand and three hundred of the THVSCANS: and of the ROMAINES,
so many saving one. This battel was fought (as they saye) the last daye
of Februarie, and the Consul Valerius triumphed, being the first of the
Consuls that ever entered into ROME triumphing upon a charet drawen with
foure horses, which sight the people found honorable and goodly to beholde,
and were not offended withall (as some seeme to reporte) nor yet dyd envy
him for that he beganne it. For if it had bene so, that custome had not
bene followed with so good acceptation, nor had continued so many yeres
as it dyd afterwards. They much commended also the honour he dyd to his
fellowe Consul Brutus, in setting out his funeralles and obsequies, at
the which he made a funerall oration in his praise. They did so like and
please the ROMAINES, that they have ever since continued that custome at
the buriall of any noble man, or great personage, that he is openly praised
at his buriall, by the worthiest man that liveth among them. They reporte
this funerall
<Plut1-274> PVBLICOLA oration is farre more auncient then the first,
that was made in GRECE in the like case: onles they will confirme that
which the orator Anaximenes hath written, that the manner of praising the
dead at their funeralls, was first of all instituted by Solon. But they
dyd most envye Valerius, and beare him grudge, bicause Brutus (whom the
people did acknowledge for father of their libertie) would never be alone
in office, but had procured twise, that they should appoint Valerius fellowe
Consul with him. This man in contrariwise (sayed the people) taking upon
him alone the rule and soveraintie, sheweth plainely he will not be Brutus
successour in his Consulshippe, but Tarquinius self in the Kingdome. For
to great purpose was it to praise Brutus in wordes, and to followe Tarquinius
in deedes: having borne before him selfe only all the mases, the axes and
the roddes, when he cometh abroade out of his owne house, which is farre
greater, and more stately, then the Kings palace which he him self overthrewe.
And to saye truely, Valerius dwelt in a house a litle to sumptuously built
and seated, upon the hanging of the hill called mount Velia: & bicause
it fsoode highe, it overlooked all the market place, so that any man might
easely see from thence what was done there. Furthermore, it was very ill
to come to it: but when he came out of his house, it was a marvelous pompe
and state to see him come downe from so highe a place, and with a traine
after him, that caried the majestie of a Kings courte. But herein Valerius
left a noble example, shewing howe much it importeth a noble man and magistrate,
ruling weighty causes, to have his eares open to heare, and willingly to
receyve free speache in steade of flatteries+, and playne trothe in place
of lyes. {Hal+} For, being enformed by some of his friends how the people
misliked and complained of it, he stoode not in his owne conceit, neither
was angrie with them: but forthwith set a worlde of workmen upon
PVBLICOLA <Plut1-275> it, earely in the morning before breake of
daye, and commaunded them to plucke down his house, and to rase it to the
ground. Insomuch as the next day following, when the ROMAINES were gathered
together in the market place, and sawe this great sodaine ruine, they much
commended the noble acte and minde of Valerius, in doing that he dyd: but
so were they angrie, and sorie both, to see so fayer and stately a buylt
house (which was an ornament to the cittie) overthrowen upon a sodaine.
Much like in comparison to a man, whom through spite and envie they had
unjusdy put to death: & to see their chief magistrate also like a straunger
and a vagabonde, compelled to seeke his lodging in another mans house.
For his friends receyved him into their houses, untill such time as the
people had geven him a place, where they dyd build him a newe house, farre
more orderly, and nothing so stately and curious as the first was, and
it was in the same place, where the temple called Vicus Publicus standeth
at this daye. Nowe bicause he would not only reforme his persone, but the
office of his Consulshippe, and also would frame him selfe to the good
acceptation and liking of the people: where before he seemed unto them
to be fearefull, he put awaye the carying of the axes from the roddes,
which the sergeants used to beare before the Consul. Moreover when he came
into the market place, where the people were assembled, he caused the roddes
to be borne downewardes, as in token of reverence of the soveraine majestie
of the people: which all the magistrates observe yet at this daye. Nowe
in all this humble showe and lowlines of his, he dyd not so much imbase
his dignitie and greatness which the common people thought him to have
at the first: as he dyd thereby cut of envie from him, winning againe as
much true authoritie, as in semblaunce he would seeme to have lost. For
this made the people willinger to obey, and
<Plut1-276> PVBLICOLA readier to submit them selves unto him: insomuch
as upon this occasion he was surnamed Publicola, as much to saye, as the
people pleaser. Which surname he kept ever after, and we from henceforth
also writing the rest of his life, will use no other name: for he was contented
to suffer any man that would, to offer him selfe to aske the Consulshippe
in Brutus place. But he yet not knowing what kynde of man they would joyne
fellowe Consul with him, and fearing least through envie or ignoraunce,
the party might thwart his purpose and meaning: employed his sole power
and authoritie whilest he ruled alone, upon highe and noble attempts. For
first of all he supplied up the number of Senatours that were greatly decayed,
bicause king Tarquine had put some of them to death not long before, and
other also had bene lately slaine in the warres: in whose places he had
chosen newe Senatours, to the number of a hundred three score and foure.
After that, he made newe decrees & lawes, which greatly dyd advaunce
the authoritie of the people. The first lawe gave libertie to all offendours,
condemned by judgement of the Consuls, to appeale unto the people. The
second, that no man upon payne of death should take upon him the exercise
of any office, unles he had come unto it by the gifte of the people. The
third was, and all in favour of the poore, that the poore cittizens of
ROME should paye no more custome, nor any impost whatsoever. This made
every man the more willing to geve him selfe to some crafte or occupation,
when he sawe his travaill should not be taxed, nor taken from him. AS for
the law that he made against those that disobeyed the Consuls, it was founde
to be so favorable to the communaltie, as they thought it was rather made
for the poore, than for the riche and great men. For the offendours and
breakers of that lawe, were condemned to paye for a penalties the value
of five oxen, and two mut-
PVBLICOLA <Plut1-277> tons. The price of a mutton was then, tenne
oboles, and of an oxe, a hundred oboles. For in those dayes, the ROMAINES
had no store of coined mony, otherwise, they lacked no sheepe, nor other
rother beasts. Hereof it came, that to this da@e they call their riches
or substaunce, Peculium, bicause Pecus signifieth sheepe and muttons. And
in the olde time the stampe upon their money was an oxe, a mutton, or a
hogge: and some of them called their children Bubulci, which signifieth
cowheards: others Caprarii, to saye goateheards: & others Porcii, as
you would saye, swineheardes. Nowe though in all his other lawes, he was
very favorable and temperate toward the people: yet in that moderation,
somtimes he dyd set grievous paynes and punishements. For he made it lawfull
to kill any man without any accusation, that dyd aspire to the Kingdome,
and he dyd set the murderer free of all punishement: {tyrant+} so he brought
forth manifest proofe, that the party slaine, had practised to make him
selfe King. AS being impossible a man should pretend so great a matter,
and no man should finde it: and contrariwise being possible, albeit he
were spyed, that otherwise he might attempt it, by making him selfe so
strong, that he needed not passe for the law. In this case he gave every
man libertie by such acte or meane, to prevent him if he could of discretion:
who by strength otherwise sought to aspire to reigne. They greatly commended
him also for the lawe that he made touching the treasure. For being very
necessarie that everie private cittizen should according to his abilitie,
be contributer to the charges and maintenaunce of the warres: he him self
would neither take such collection into his charge, nor suffer any man
of his to medle with the same, nor yet that it should be layed in any private
mans house, but he dyd ordeine that Saturnes temple should be the treasurie
thereof. This order they keepe to this present daye. Furthermore, he
<Plut1-278> PVBLICOLA graunted the people to chuse two young men
Quaestores of the same, as you would saye the treasurers, to take the charge
of this money: and the two first which were chosen, were Publius Veturius,
and Marcus Minutius, who gathered great summes of money together. For numbring
the people by the polle, there were found a hundred & thirtie thousand
persones which had payed subsidie, not reckoning in this accompt, orphanes,
nor widowes, which were excepted from all payments. After he had estabeshed
all these things, he caused Lucretius (the father of Lucretia) to be chosen
fellowe Consul with him, unto whom, for that he was his auncient, he gave
the upper hande, and commaunded they should carie before him the roddes,
which were the signes of the chief magistrate: and ever since they have
geven this honour unto age. But Lucretius dying not long after his election,
they chose againe in his place Marcus Horatius, who held out the Consulshippe
with Publicola the rest of the yere. Nowe about that time king Tarquine
remained in the countrie of THVSCANE, where he prepared a seconde armie
against the ROMAINES, and there fell out a marvelous straunge thing thereupon.
For when he raigned king of ROME, he had almost made an ende of the building
of the temple of Jupiter Capitolin, & was determined (whether by any
oracle receyved, or upon any fantasy it is not knowen) to set up a coche
of earth baked by a potter, in the highest place of the temple, and he
put it out to be done by cettaine THVSCAN workemen of the cittie of VEIES:
but whiles they were in hand with the worcke, he was driven out of his
Realme. When the worckemen had formed this coche, and that they had put
it into the fournes to bake it, it fell out contrarie to the nature of
the earth, and the common order of their worcke put into the fournes. For
the earth dyd not shut & close together in the fire, nor dryed up all
the moisture
PVBLICOLA <Plut1-279> thereof. but rather to the contrarie it dyd
swell to such a bignes, and grewe so harde and strong withall, that they
were driven to breake up the head and walles of the fournes to get it out.
The soothesayers dyd expounde this, that it was a celestiall token from
above, and promised great prosperitie & increase of power unto those,
that should enjoye this coche. Whereupon the VEIANS resolved not to deliver
it unto the ROMAINES that demaunded it, but aunswered that it dyd be]ong
unto king Tarquine, and not unto those that had banished him. Not many
dayes after, there was a solemne feast of games for running of horses in
the cittie of VEIES, where they dyd also many other notable actes, worthy
sight according to their custome. But after the game was played, he that
had wonne the bell, being crowned in token of victorie as they dyd use
at that time, brought his coche and horses fayer and softely out of the
showe place: and sodainely the horse being affrayed upon no present cause
or occasion seene, whether it was by chaunce, or by some secret working
from above, ranne as they had bene mad with their coche to the cittie of
ROME. The coche driver dyd what he could possible at the first to staye
them, by holding in the raynes, by clapping them on the backs, and speaking
gently to them: but in the ende, perceyving he could doe no good, &
that they would have their swynge, he gave place to their furie, &
they never linne ronning, till they brought him neere to the Capitoll,
where they overthrewe him and his coche, not farre from the gate called
at this present, Ratumena. The VEIANS woundering much at this matter, and
being affrayed withall: were contented the workmen should deliver their
coche made of earth unto the ROMAINES. Now concerning Jupiter Capitolins
temple, king Tarquine the first (Which was the sonne of Demaratus) vowed
in the warres that he made against the SABYNES, that he would buyld it.
And Tar-
<Plut1-280> PVBLICOLA quine the prowde, being the sonne of him that
made this vowe dyd buyld it: howbeit he dyd not consecrate it, bicause
he was driven out of his Kingdome before he had finished it. When this
temple was built and throughly finished, and set forth with all his ornaments:
Publicola was marvelously desirous to have the honour of the dedication
thereof. But the noble men and Senatours envying his glorie, being very
angrie that he could not content him selfe with all those honours that
he had receyved in peace, for the good lawes he had made, and in warres
for the victories he had obteined and well deserved, but further that he
would seeke the honour of this dedication, which nothing dyd pertaine unto
him: they then dyd egge Horatius, and persuaded him to make sute for the
same. Occasion fell out at that time, that Publicola must have the leading
of the ROMAINES armie into the field: in the meane time, while Publicola
was absent, it was procured that the people gave their voyces to Horatius,
to consecrate the temple, knowing they could not so well have brought it
to passe he being present. Other saye, the Consuls drewe lotts betweene
them, and that it lighted upon Publicola to leade the armie against his
will, and upon Horatius to consecrate this temple, which maye be conjectured
by the thing that fortuned in the dedication thereof. For all the people
being assembled together in the Capitoll with great silence, on the fiftenth
daye of the moneth of September, which is about the newe moone of the moneth
which the GRECIANS call Metagitnion: Horatius having done all the ceremonies
needefull in such a case, and holding then the doores of the temple, as
the use was even to utter the solenme wordes of dedication: Marcus Valerius,
the brother of Publicola, having stoode a long time there at the temple
doore, to take an oportunitie to speake, beganne to say alowde in this
wise. My lorde Consul, your sonne is dead
PVBLICOLA <Plut1-281> of a sicknes in the campe. This made all the
assembly sorie to heare it, but it nothing amased Horatius, who spake only
this muche. Cast his bodie then where you will for me, the thought is taken.
So he continued on to ende his consecration. This was but a devise and
nothing true, of Marcus Valerius, only to make Horatius leave of his consecration.
Horatius in this shewed him selfe a marvelous resolute man, were it that
he streight founde his devise, or that he beleeved it to be true: for the
sodainenes of the matter nothing altered him. The very like matter fell
out in consecrating of the second temple. For this first which Tarquine
had built and Horatius consecrated, was consumed by fyer in the civill
warres: and the second was built up againe by Sylla, who made no dedication
of it. For Catulus set up the superscription of the dedication, bicause
Sylla dyed before he could dedicate it. The second temple was burnt againe
not long after the troubles and tumultes which were at ROME, under Vitellius
the Emperour. The third in like manner was reedified and built againe by
Vespasian, from the ground to the toppe. But this good happe he had above
other: to see his worke perfited and finished before his death, and not
overthrowen as it was immediately after his death. Wherein he dyd farre
passe the happines of Sylla, who dyed before he could dedicate that he
had built: and thother deceased before he sawe his worcke overthrowen.
For all the Capitoll was burnt to the ground incontinently after his death.
It is reported the only foundations of the first temple, cost Tarquinius
fortie thousand Pondos of silver. And to gyld only the temple which we
see nowe in our time, they saye all the goodes and substaunce that the
richest cittizen of ROME then had, will come nothing neere unto it: for
it cost above twelve thousand talents. The pillers of this temple are cut
out of a quarrie of marbell, called pentlike marbell, and they
<Plut1-282> PVBLICOLA were squared parpine, as thicke as long: these
I sawe at ATHENS. But afterwardes they were cut againe, & polished
in ROME, by which doing they got not so much grace, as they lost proportion:
for they were made to slender, and left naked of their first beawtie. Nowe
he that would wounder at the stately buylding of the Capitoll, if he came
afterwardes unto the palace Domitian, and dyd but see some galerie, porche,
hall, or hotte house, or his concubines chambers: he would saye (in my
opinion) as the poet Epicharmus sayed of a prodigall man. It is a fault,
and folly both in thee to lashe out giftes, and prodigall rewardes: For
fonde delights, without all rule that be, regarding not what happens afterwardes.
So might they justly saye of Domitian. Thou art not liberall+, not devoute
unto the goddes: but it is a vice thou hast to love to buyld, and desirest
(as they saye of olde Midas) that all about thee were turned to gold, and
precious stones. And thus much for this matter. Tarquine after that great
foughten battell wherein he lost his sonne (that was slaine by Brutus in
fighting together hande to hande) went to the cittie of CLVSIVM, unto king
Claras Porsena: the mightiest prince that raigned at that time in all ITALIE,
and was both noble and a curteous prince. Porsena promised him ayde: and
first of all he sent to ROME to summone the cittizens to receive their
King againe. But the ROMAINES refusing the summones, he sent forthwith
an Heraulde to proclaime open warres against them, and to tell them where,
and when he would meete them: and then marched thitherwardes immediatly
with a great armie. Publicola nowe being absent, was chosen Consul the
second time, and Titus Lucretius with him. When he was returned home againe
to ROME, bicause he would exceede king Porsena in greatnes of
PVBLICOLA <Plut1-283> minde, he beganne to buyld a cittie called
SIGLIVRIA, even when the King with all his armie was not farre from ROME:
and having walled it about to his marvelous charge, he sent thither seven
hundred cittizens to dwell there, to shewe that he made litle accompt of
this warre. Howbeit Porsena at his coming dyd geve suche a lustie assault
to the mount Ianiculum, that they drave out the souldiers which kept the
same: who flying towards ROME, were pursued so harde with the enemies,
that with them they had entered the towne, had not Publicola made a saly
out to resist them. Who beganne a hotte skirmishe harde by the river of
Tyber, and there sought to have stayed the enemies to follow any further:
which being the greater number, dyd overlaye the ROMAINES, and dyd hurte
Publicola very sore in this skirmisher so as he was caried away into the
cittie in his souldiers armes. And even so was the other Consul Lucretius
hurte in like case: which so discoraged and frayed the ROMAINES, that they
all tooke them to their legges and fled towards the cittie. The enemies
pursued them at their heeles as farre as the wodden bridge: so that the
cittie was in marvelous hazarde of taking upon the sodaine. But Horatius
Cocles, and Herminius, and Lucretius, two other of the chiefest noble young
men of the cittie, stood with them to the defence of the bridge, and made
head against the enemie. This Horatius was surnamed Cocles (as much to
saye, as one eye) bicause he had lost one of them in the warres. Howbeit
other writers saye, it was bicause of his flat nosewhich was so soncke
into his head, that they sawe nothing to parte his eyes, but that the eye
browes dyd meete together: by reason whereof the people thinking to surname
him Cyclops, by corruption of the tongue they called him (as they saye)
Cocles. But howsoever it was, this Horatius Cocles had the courage to shew
his face against the enemie, and to kepe the bridge, untill
<Plut1-284> PVBLICOLA such time as they had cut and broken it up
behind him. When he saw they had done that, armed as he was, and hurte
in the hippe with a pike of the THVSCANS, he leaped into the river of Tyber,
and saved him selfe by swimming unto the other side. Publicola woundring
at this manly acte of his, persuaded the ROMAINES straight, every one according
to his abilitie, to give him so much as he spent in a daye: and afterwards
also he caused the common treasury to geve him as much lande as he could
compasse about with his plowe in a daye. Furthermore he made his image
of brasse to be set up in the temple of Vulcane, comforting by this honour
his wounded hippe, whereof he was lame ever after. Nowe whilest king Porsena
was hottely bent, very straightly to besiege ROME, there beganne a famine
among the ROMAINES: and to encrease the daunger, there came a newe armie
out of THVSCANE, which overranne, burnt, and made waste, all the territorie
of ROME. Whereupon Publicola being chosen Consul, then the third time,
thought he should neede to doe no more to resist Porsena bravely, but to
be quiet only, and to looke well to the safe keeping of the cittie. Howbeit
spying his oportunity, he secretly stole out of ROME with a power, and
did set upon the THVSCANS that destroyed the countrie about: and overthrew
and slue of them, five thousand men. AS for the historie of Mutius, many
doe diversely reporte it: but I will write it in such sorte, as I thincke
shall best agree with the trothe. This Mutius was a worthie man in all
respects, but specially for the warres. He devising howe he might come
to kill king Porsena, disguised him selfe in THVSCANS apparell, & speaking
Thuscan very perfectly, went into his campe, and came to the Kings chayer,
in the which he gave audience: and not knowing him perfectly, he durst
not aske which was he, least he should be discovered, but drue his sworde
at adventure, and slewe
PVBLICOLA <Plut1-285> him whom he tooke to be King. Upon that they
layed holde on him, and examined him. And a panne full of fire being brought
for the King that entended to doe sacrifice unto the goddes, Mutius held
out his right hand over the fire, and boldly looking the King full in his
face, whilest the flesh of his hand dyd frye of, he never chaunged hewe
nor contenaunce: the King woundering to see so straunge a sight, called
to them to withdraw the fire, and he him selfe dyd deliver him his sworde
againe. Mutius tooke it of him with his left hand, whereupon they saye
afterwardes, he had geven him the surname of Scaevola+, as much to saye,
as left handed, and told him in taking of it. Thou couldest not Porsena
for feare have overcomed me, but nowe through curtesy+ thou hast wonne
me. Therefore for goodwill I will reveale that unto thee, which no force,
nor extremitie could have made me utter. There are three hundred ROMAINES
dispersed through thy campe, all which are prepared with like mindes to
followe that I have begonne, only gaping for oportunitie to put it in practise.
The lot fell on me to be the first to breake the Ise of this enterprise:
and yet I am not sorie my hande fayled, to kill so worthie a man, that
deserveth rather to be a friend, then an enemie unto the ROMAINES. Porsena
hearing this, did beleeve it, and ever after he gave the more willing eare
to those that treated with him of peace: not so much (in my opinion) for
that he feared the three hundred lying in waite to kill him, as for the
admiration of the ROMAINES noble minde and great corage. All other writers
call this man, Mutius Scaevola: howbeit Athenodorus, surnamed Sandon, in
a booke he wrote unto Octavia, Augustus sister, sayeth that he was also
called Opsigonus. But Publicola taking king Porsena not to be so daungerous
an enemie to ROME, as he should be a profitable friend and allie to the
same: let him understand, that he was contented to make him judge of the
<Plut1-286> PVBLICOLA controversie betweene them & Tarquine.
Whom he dyd many times provoke to come and have his cause heard before
king Porsena, where he would justifie to his face, that he was the naughtiest
and most wicked man of the world, and that he was justly driven out of
his countrie. Tarquine sharpely aunswered, that he would make no man his
judge, and Porsena least of all other, for that having promised him to
put him againe in his Kingdom, he was nowe gone from his worde, and had
chaunged his minde. Porsena was very angrie with this aunswer, judging
this a manifest token that his cause was ill. Wherefore Porsena being solicited
againe by his owne sonne Aruns, who loved the ROMAINES, dyd easely graunte
them peace upon condition: that they should redeliver backe againe to him
the lands they had gotten before within the countrie of THVSCAN, with the
prisoners also which they had taken in this warre, and in liew thereof
he offered to deliver to them againe the ROMAINES, that had fled from them
unto him. To confirme this peace, the ROMAINES delivered him ostages, tenne
of the noblest mens sonnes of the cittie, & so many of their daughters:
emong which, was Valeria, Publicolaes owne daughter. Peace being thus concluded,
Porsena brake his armie, and withdrewe his strength, trusting to the peace
concluded. The ROMAINES daughters delivered for ostages, came downe to
the rivers side to washe them, in a quiet place where the streame ranne
but gently, without any force or swiftnes at all. When they were there,
and saw they had no garde about them, nor any came that waye, nor yet any
botes going up nor down the streame: they had a desire to swime over the
river, which ranne with a swift streame, and was marvelous deepe. Some
saye, that one Claelia swamme the river upon her horse backe, and that
she did imbolden and incorage the other to swimme hard by her horse side:
and recovering the other
PVBLICOLA <Plut1-287> bancke, and being past all daunger, they went
and presented them selves before Publicola the Consul. Who neither commended
them, nor liked the parte they had played, but was marvelous sorie, fearing
least men would judge him lesse carefull to keepe his faith, then was king
Porsena: and that he might suspect the boldnes of these maidens, was but
a crafty slight devised of the ROMAINES. Therefore he tooke them all againe,
and sent them immediatly unto king Porsena. {courtesy+} Whereof Tarquine
having intelligence, he layed an ambushe for them, that had the conduction
of them. Who so soone as they were paste the river, did shew them selves,
and brake upon the ROMAINES: they being farre fewer in number than the
other, did yet very stowtely defend them selves. Now whilest they were
in earnest fight together, Valeria Publicolaes daughter, and three of her
fathers servants, escaped through the middest of them, and saved them selves.
The residue of the virgines remained in the middest among their swordes,
in great daunger of their lives. Aruns king Porsenas sonne advertised hereof,
ranne thither incontinently to the rescue: but when he came, the enemies
fled, and the ROMAINES held on their jorney to redeliver their ostages.
Porsena seeing them againe, asked which of them it was that beganne first
to passe the river, and had encouraged the other to followe her. One pointed
him unto her, and told him her name was Claelia. He looked upon her very
earnestly, and with a pleasaunt countenaunce, and commaunded they should
bring him one of his best horse in the stable, and the richest furniture
he had for the same, and so he gave it unto her. Those which holde opinion
that none but Claelia passed the river a horse backe, doe alledge this
to prove their opinion true. {courtesy+} Other doe denie it, saying that
this THVSCAN king, did onely honour her noble courage. Howsoever it was,
they see her image a horse backe in the holy
<Plut1-288> PVBLICOLA streete, as they goe to the palace: and some
saye it is the statue of Valeria other of Claelia. After Porsena had made
peace with the ROMAINES, in breaking up his campe, he shewed his noble
minde unto them in many other things, and specially in that he commaunded
his souldiers they should carie nothing but their armour and weapon only,
leaving his campe full of corne, vittells, and other kynde of goodes. {courtesy+}
From whence this custome came, that at this daye when they make open sale
of any thing belonging to the common weale, the sergeant or common crier
crieth, that they are king Porsenas goodes, and taken of thankefullnes
and perpetuall memorie of his bowntie & liberalitie towards them. Further,
Porsenas image standeth adjoyning to the palace where the Senate is used
to be kept, which is made of great antike worke. Afterwardes the SABYNES
invading the ROMAINES territorie with a great force, Marcus Valerius Publicolaes
brother, was then chosen Consul, with one Posthumius Tubertus. Howbeit
all matters of weight and importaunce passed by Publicolaes counsell and
authoritie, who was present at any thing that was done: and by whose meanes
Marcus his brother, wanne two great battells, in the last whereof he slewe
thirteene thousand of his enemies, not losing one of his owne men. For
which his victories, besides the hon:ur of triumphe he had, the people
also at their owne charges, built him a house, in the streete of mounte
Palatine, and graunted him moreover that his doore should open outwards
into the streete, where all others mens doores dyd open inwards into their
house: signifying by graunte of this honour and priviledge, that he should
allwayes have benefit by the commonweale. It is reported that the GRECIANS
doores of their houses in olde time, dyd all open outwards after that facion,
and they doe conjecture it by the comedies that are played. Where those
that would goe out of their houses, dyd first knocke
PVBLICOLA <Plut1-289> at their doores, and make a noyse within the
house, least in opening their doore upon a sodaine, they might overthrowe
or hurte him that taried at the streete doore, or passed by the waye: who
hearing the noyse had warning straight to avoyde the daunger. The next
yere after that, Publicola was chosen Consul the fourth time, bicausc they
stoode in great doubt that the SABYNES and LATINES would joyne together
to make warres upon them: besides all this, there was a certaine superstitious
feare ranne through the cittie, of some ill happe toward it, bicause most
parte of the women with childe were delivered of unperfect children, lacking
some one limme or other, and all of them came before their time. Wherfore
Publicola lookng in some of Sybillaes books made private sacrifice unto
Pluto, & did set up againe some feastes and solemne games that were
left of, and had bene commaunded before time to be kept by the oracle of
Apollo. These meanes having a litle rejoyced the cittie with good hope,
bicause they thought that the anger of the goddes had bene appeased: Publicola
then beganne to provide for the daungers that they were threatned withall
by men, for that newes was brought him that their enemies were up in all
places, and made great preparation to invade them. Nowe there was at that
time amongest the SABYNES, a great riche man called Appius Clausus, very
strong and active of bodie, and otherwise a man of great reputation and
eloquence, above all the rest of his countrie men: but notwithstanding,
he was much envied, and could not avoyde it, being a thing common to great
men. He went about to staye those intended warres against the ROMAINES.
Whereupon, many which before tooke occasion to murmure against him, dyd
nowe much more increase the same: with saying he sought to mainteine the
power of the ROMAINES, that afterwards by their ayde he might make him
selfe tyranne and King of the
<Plut1-290> PVBLICOLA countrie. The common people gave easy eare
unto such speaches, and Appius perceyving well enough how the souldiers
hated him deadly, he feared they would complaine, and accuse him. Wherefore
being well backed and stoode to by his kynsemen, friends, and followers,
he practised to make a sturre among the SABYNES, which was the cause of
staying the warres against the ROMAINES. Publicola, also for his parte
was very diligent, not only to understand the originall cause of his sedition,
but to feede on further and increase the same, having gotten men meete
for the purpose, which caried Appius such a message from him. That Publicola
knewe very well he was a just man, and one that would not be revenged of
his cittizens, to the generall hurte of his countrie, although the injuries
he receyved at their hands, delivered him just occasion to doe it: {Coriolanus+}
nevertheles if he had any desire to provide for his safety and to repaire
to ROME, leaving them which causeles wished him so muche evill, they would
both openly and privately receyve him with that due honour which his vertue
deserved and the worthines of the ROMAINE people required. Clausus having
long and many times considered this matter with him selfe, resolved that
it was the best waye he could take, making vertue of necessitie: and therefore
being determined to doe it, he dyd procure his friends to doe as he dyd,
and they got other also unto them, so that he brought awaye with him out
of the countrie of the SABYNES, five thousand families with their wives
and children (of the quietest and most peacible people among the SABYNES)
to dwel at ROME. Publicola being advertised thereof before they came, dyd
receyve them at their comming to ROME with great joye, and all manner of
good curteous+ enterteinment. For at their first coming, he made them all
& their families free cittizens, & assigned unto every persone
of them two jugera of lande, (which
PVBLICOLA <Plut1-291> contained one acre, one roode, eleven pole,
and 69. partes of a pole) by the river of Tyber: and unto Appius self he
gave 25. jugera (to wit, 16. acres and a halfe, 4. pole and 76. partes
of a pole) and received him into the number of the Senatours. And thus
came he first unto the government of the common weale in ROME, where he
did so wisely behave him self, that in the end he came to be the chiefest
man of dignitie and authoritie in ROME, so long as he lived. After his
death, he left behind him the familie of the Claudians, descending from
him: which for honour, and wordlines, gave no place to the noblest famine
in ROME. But nowe the sedition amongest the SABYNES being pacified, by
the departure of those that were gone to ROME: the seditious governours
would not suffer those that remained to live in peace, but still cried
out, it were to much shame for them, that Clausus being a fugitive, and
become an enemie, should honour their enemies abroade, that being present
durst not shewe so much at home, and that the ROMAINES should scape unrevenged
who had done them such apparant wronges. So they raised great force and
power, and went and encanped with their armie neere the cittie of FIDENES,
and layed an ambushe harde by ROME, in certen hidden and hollowe places,
where they put a two thousand choyce footemen, very well armed, and dyd
appoint the next morning to send certaine light horse men to runne and
praye to ROME gates: commaunding them, that when the ROMAINES came out
of the cittie to charge them, they should seeme leysurely to retire, untill
they had drawen them within daunger of their ambush. Publicola receyving
full intelligence of all their intention, by a traytour that fled from
them unto him, made due preparation to encounter with their privie ambushe,
and so devided his armie in two partes: for he gave his sonne in lawe Posthumius
Balbus, three thousand footemen, whom
<Plut1-292> PVBLICOLA he sent awaye by night, commaunding them the
same night to take the hilles, in the bottome whereof the SABYNES were
layed in ambushes Lucretius, fellowe Consull with Publicola, having the
hghtest and lustiest men of the cittie, was appointed to make head against
the vauntcurriers of the SABYNES, that minded to approche the gates. And
Publicola with the rest of the armie, marched a great compasse about to
inclose his enemies behinde. The next morning betimes, by chaunce it was
a thick miste, and at that present time Posthumius coming down from the
hilles, with great showtes charged them that laye in ambush. Lucretius
on the other side, set upon the light horsemen of the SABYNES: and Publicola
fell upon their campe. So that of all sides the SABYNES enterprise had
very ill successe, for they had the worst in every place, and the ROMAINES
killed them flying, without any turning againe to make resistance. Thus
the place which gave them hope of best safety, turned most to their deadly
overthrowe. For every one of their companies supposing the other had bene
whole & unbroken, when a charge was geven upon them, dyd straight breake,
and never a company of them turned head toward their enemie. For they that
were in the campe, ranne toward them which laye in ambushe: & those
which were in ambushe on the contrarie side, ranne towards them that were
in campe. So that in flying, the one met with the other, and founde those,
towards whom they were flying to have bene safe, to stand in as much neede
of helpe as them selves. That which saved some that were not slaine, was
the cittie of FIDENES, which was neere the campe, and specially saved those
which fled thither. But such as came shorte of the cittie, and could not
in time recover it, were all slaine in the fielde, or taken prisoners.
AS for the glorie of this honorable victorie, albeit the ROMAINES were
wonte to ascribe all suche great notable mat-
PVBLICOLA <Plut1-293> ters to the speciall providence and grace
of the goddes, {HenV+} yet at that time notwithstanding they dyd judge,
that this happy successe fell out by the wise foresight & valliantnes
of the captaine. For every man that had served in this jorney, had no other
talke in his mouth, but that Publicola had delivered their enemies into
their handes, lame, and blinde, and as a man might saye, bounde hande and
feete to kill them at their pleasure. The people were marvelously enriched
by this victorie aswell for the spoile, as for the ransome of the prisoners
that they had gotten. Nowe Publicola after he had triumphed, and left the
government of the cittie to those, which were chosen Consuls for the yere
following: dyed incontinently, having lived as honorably and vertuously
all the dayes of his life, as any man living might doe. The people then
tooke order for his funeralles, that the charges thereof should be defrayed
by the cittie, as if they had never done him any honour in his life, and
that they had bene still debters unto him for the noble service he had
done unto the state and common weale whilest he lived. Therefore towardes
his funeralle charges, every cittizen gave a pece of money called a Quatrine.
The women also for their parte, to honour his funeralles, agreed among
them selves to mourne a whole yere in blackes for him, which was a great
and honorable memoriall. He was buried also by expresse order of the people,
within the cittie, in the streate called Velia: and they graunted priviledge
also unto all his posteritie, to be buried in the selfe same place. Howbeit
they doe no more burie any of his there, But when any dye, they bring the
corse unto this place, and one holding a torche burning in his hande, doth
put it under the place, and take it straight awaye againe, to showe that
they have libertie to burie him there but that they willingly refuse this
honour: {courtesy+} and this done, they carie the corse awaye againe.
THE COMPARISON OF SOLON WITH PUBLICOLA@ NOWE presently to compare these
two personages together, it seemeth they both had one vertue in them: which
is not founde in any other of their lives which we have written of before.
And the same is, that the one hath bene a witnes, and the other a follower
of him, to whom he was like. So as the sentence that Solon spake to king
Croesus, touching Tellus felicitie and happiness might have better bene
applied unto Publicola, than to Tellus: whom he judged to be very happy,
bicause he dyed honorably, he had lived vertuously, and had left behinde
him goodly children. And yet Solon speaketh nothing of his excellencie,
or vertue, in any of his poemes: neither dyd he ever beare any honorable
office in all his time, nor yet left any children that caried any great
fame or renowme after his death. Whereas Publicola so long as he lived,
was allwayes the chief man amongest the ROMAINES, of credit and authoritie:
and afterwards since his death, certaine of the noblest families, and most
auncient houses of ROME, in these our dayes, as the Publicoles, the Messales,
and the VALERIANS, for six hundred yeres continuance, doe referre the glorie
of the nobilitie and auncientie of their house unto him. Furthermore, Tellus
was slaine by his enemies, fighting valiantly like a worthy honest man.
But Publicola died after he had slaine his enemies: which is farre more
great good happe, then to be slaine. {Falstaff+} For after he as generall
had honorably served his country in the warres, and had left them conquerers,
having in his life time receyved all honours & triumphes due unto his
service: he attained to that happy_end+ of life, which Solon accompted
and esteemed, most happy and blessed. Also in wishing manner, he would
his end should be lamented <Plut1-294>
SOLON & PVBLICOLA <Plut1-295> to his prayse, in a place where
he confuteth Mimnermus, about the continuaunce of mans life, by saying:
{posterity+} Let not my death without lamenting passe, but rather let my
friendes bewaile the same: Whose grievous teares, and cries of out alas,
maye ofte resound the Eccho of my name. If that be good happe, then moste
happy maketh he Publicola: for at his death, not only his friends and kinsefolkes,
but the whole cittie also, and many a thousand persone besides, dyd bitterly
bewayle the losse of him. For all the women of ROME dyd mourne for him
in blacks, & dyd most pittiefully lament his death, as every one of
them had lost either father, brother, or hushand. True it is, that I covet
goodes to have: but yet so got, as maye me not deprave. Solon sayeth this,
bicause vengeance followed ill gotten good. And Publicola tooke great heede,
not only to get his goodes most justly, but had regarde that those which
he had, he spent most honestly in helping the needie. {generous+} So that
if Solon was justly reputed the wisest man, we must needes confesse also
that Publicola was the happiest. For what the one desired for the greatest
and most perfect good, a man can have in this worlde: the other hath wonne
it, kept it, and used it all his life time, untill the hower of his death.
And thus hath Solon honoured Publicola, and Publicola hath done like unto
Solon, shewing him self a perfect example and looking glasse, where men
maye see howe to governe a popular state: when he made his Consulshippe
voyde of all pride and stately shewe, and became him self affable+, curteous,
and beloved of everie bodie. So tooke he profit by many of his lawes. AS
when he ordeined, that the people only should have authoritie to choose
and create, all common officers and
<Plut1-296> SOLON & PVBLICOLA magistrates, and that they might
appeale from any judge to the people: as Solon when he suffered them to
appeale unto the judges of the people. In deede Publicola dyd not create
any newe Senate, as Solon dyd: but he dyd augment the first number, with
as many persones almost as there were before. He dyd also first erect the
office of Quaestores, for keeping of all fines, taxes, and other collections
of money. Bicause the chiefest magistrate, if he were an honest man, should
not for so light an occasion be taken, from the care of better and more
weightie affayers: and if he were wickedly geven and ill disposed, that
he should have no such meane or occasion to worke his wicked will, by having
the treasure of the cittie in his handes, and to commaund what he lyst.
Moreover in hating the tyrannes+, Publicola therein was farre more sharpe
& terrible. For Solon in his lawes punished him that went about to
make him selfe tyranne, yet after he was convicted thereof by lawe: but
Publicola ordeined that they should kill him, before the lawe dyd passe
on him, that sought to be king. And where Solon justly, and truely vaunteth
him self, that being offered to be King & Lord of ATHENS, and that
with the whole consent of the cittizens: yet he dyd notwithstanding refuse
it. This vaunte and glorie is as due unto Publicola: who finding the dignitie
of a Consul tyrannicall, he brought it to be more lowly and favorable for
the people, not taking upon him all the authoritie he might lawfully have
done. And it seemeth that Solon knewe before him, what was the true and
direct waye to governe a common weale uprightly. For he sayeth in one place:
Both great and small of power, the better will obaye: if we to litle or
to much, upon them doe not laye. The discharging of dettes was proper to
Solon, which was a full confirmation of libertie. For litle prevayleth
SOLON & PVBLICOLA <Plut1-297> lawe to make equalitie among cittizens,
when dettes do hinder the poore people to enjoye the benefit thereof. And
where it seemeth that they have most libertie, as in that they maye be
chosen judges and officers to speake their opinion in the counsell, and
geve their voyces also: there in deede are they most bounde and subject,
bicause they doe but obaye the rich, in all they doe commaund. But yet
in this acte there is a thinge more wonderful, and worthie to be noted.
That commonly discharging of dettes, was wont to breede great tumultes,
and seditions in common weales. And Solon having used it in a very good
time (as the phisitian ventring a daungerous medecine) dyd appease the
sedition already begonne, and did utterly quenche through his glorie, and
the common opinion they had of his wisdome and vertue, all the infamie
and accusation that might have growen of that acte. AS for their first
entrie into the government, Solons beginning was farre more noble. For
he went before, and followed not another: and him selfe alone without any
others helpe, dyd put in execution the best, & more parte of all his
notable and goodly lawes. Yet was Publicolaes ende and death+ much more
glorious and happie. For Solon before he dyed, sawe all his comon wealthe
overthrowen: but Publicolaes common weale continued whole as he left it,
untill the broyle of civill warres beganne againe among them. Solon, after
he had made his lawes, and written them in wodden tables, leaving them
without defence of any man, went his waye immediatly out of the cittie
of ATHENS. Publicola abiding continually in ROME governing the state, dyd
throughly stablishe and confirme the lawes he made. Furthermore Solon having
wisely forseene Pisisitratus practises, aspiring to make him selfe King:
he could never let him for all that, but was him selfe overcome and oppressed
with the tyrannie he sawe stablished in his owne sight, and in dispight
of him.
<Plut1-298> SOLON & PVBLICOLA Where Publicola overthrewe and
dyd put downe a mightie Kingdome, that had continued of long time, and
was throughly stablished: his vertue and desire being equall with Solons,
and having had besides fortune favorable, and sufficient power to execute,
his vertuous and well disposed minde. But as for warres and marshall deedes,
there is no comparison to be made betweene them. For Daimachus Plataeian,
doth not attribute the warres of the MEGARIANS unto Solon, as we have written
it: where Publicola being gencrall of an armie, and fighting him selfe
in persone, hath wonne many great battells. And as for matters of peace
and civill government, Solon never durst present him self openly to persuade
the enterprise of SALAMINA, but under a counterfeat madnes, and as a foole
to make sporte. Where Publicola taking his adventure from the beginning,
shewed him selfe without dissimulation, an open enemie to Tarquine, and
afterwardes he revealed the whole conspiracie. And when he had bene the
only cause and autor of punishing the traitours, he dyd not only drive
out of ROME the tyrannes selves in persone, but tooke from them also all
hope of returne againe. Who having allwayes thus nobly and valliantly behaved
him self, without shrinking backe, or flying from ought that required force,
a manly corage, or open resistaunce: dyd yet shewe him selfe discreete+,
where wisedome was requisite, or reason and persuasion needefull. AS when
he conningly wanne king Porsena, who was a dredfull enemie unto him, and
invincible by force: whom he handled in such good sorte, that he made him
his friend. Peradventure some might stand in this and saye: that Solon
recovered the Ile of SALAMINA unto the ATHENIANS, which they would have
lost. Publicola to the contrarie, restored the lands unto Porsena againe,
which the ROMAINES had conquered before, within the countrie of THVSCAN.
But the times in which these things
SOLON & PVBLICOLA <Plut1-299> were done, are allwayes to be
considered of. For a wise governour of a Realme, and politicke man, doth
governe diversely according to the occasions offred, taking every thing
in his time wherein he will deale. {expediency+} And many times, in letting
goe one thing, he saveth the whole, and in losing a litle he gayneth much.
AS Publicola dyd: who losing a litle piece of another mans countrie which
they had usurped, saved by that meanes all that was assuredly his owne.
And whereas the ROMAINES thought he should doe very much for them, to save
their cittie only: he got them moreover, all the goodes that were in their
enemies campe, which dyd besiege them. And in making his enemie judge of
his quarrell, he wanne the victorie: winning that moreover, which he would
gladly have geven to have overcome, and have sentence passe of his side.
For the King their enemie dyd not only make peace with, them, but dyd also
leave them all his furniture, provision, and munition for the warres: even
for the vertue, manhood, and justice, which the great wisedome of this
Consul persuaded Porsena to beleeve to be, in all the other ROMAINES. The
ende of Publicolaes life.
The Life of Themistocles+ THEMISTOCLES parentage dyd litle advaunce
his glorie: for his father Neocles was of small reputation in ATHENS, being
of the hundred of Phrear, and tribe of Leontis: of his mother an allien
or straunger: as these verses doe witnesse: Abrotonon I am, yborne in Thracia,
and yet this highe good happe l have, that into Grecia I have brought forth
a sonne, Themistocles by name, the glorie of the Greekishe bloods, &
man of greatest fame. Howbeit Phanias writeth, that his mother was not
a THRACIAN, but borne in the countrie of CARIA: and they doe not call her
Abrotonon, but Euterpe. And Neanthes sayeth furthermore, that she was of
HALICARNAS- <Plut1-300>
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-301> SUS, the chiefest cittie of all the Realme
of CARIA. For which cause when the straungers dyd assemble at Cynosargos
(a place of exercise without the gate dedicated to Hercules, which was
not a right god, but noted an alien, in that his mother was a mortall woman:)
Themislocles persuaded divers youthes of the most honourable houses, to
goe down with him, and to annointe them selves at Cynosargos, conningly
thereby taking away the difference betwene the right and alien sorte. But
setting a parte all these circumstaunces, he was no doubt allied unto the
house of the Lycomedians: for Themistocles caused the chappell of this
familie, which is in the village of PHLYES, being once burnt by the barbarous
people, to be buylt up againe at his owne charges: and as Simonides sayeth,
he dyd set it forth and enriche it with pictures. Moreover every man doth
confesse it, that even from his childhood they dyd perceyve he was geven
to be very whotte headed, sturring, wise, and of good spirite, and enterprising
of him selfe to doe great things, and borne to rule weighty causes. For
at such dayes and howers as he was taken from his booke, and had leave
to playe, he never played, not would never be idle, as other children were:
but they allwayes founde him conning some oration without booke, or making
it alone by him selfe, and the ground of his matter was ever comonly, either
to defend, or accuse some of his companions. Whereupon his schoolemaster
observing him, ofte sayed unto him: suer some great matter hangeth over
thy head my boye, for it cannot be chosen but that one daye thou shalt
doe some notable good thing, or some extreme mischief. Therefore when they
went about to teache him any thing, only to checke his nature, or to facion
him with good manner and civilitie, or to studie any matter for pleasure
or honest pastime: he would slowly and carelesly learne of them. But if
they delivered him any matter of wit, and things of weight concerning state:
they sawe he would
<Plut1-302> THEMISTOCLES beate at it marvelously, & would understande
more then any could of his age and cariage, trusting altogether to his
naturall mother wit. This was the cause, that being mocked afterwardes
by some that had studied humanitie, and other liberall sciences, he was
driven for revenge and his owne defence, to aunswer with great and stowte
wordes, saying, that in deede he could no skill to tune a harpe, nor a
violl, nor to playe of a psalterion: but if they dyd put a cittie into
his handes that was of small name, weake, and litle, he knewe wayes enough
how to make it noble, stronge, and great. Nevertheles, Stesimbrotus writeth,
how he went to Anaxagoras schoole, and that under Melissus he studied naturall
philosophie. But herein he was greatly deceaved, for that he tooke no great
hede unto the time. For Melissus was captaine of the SAMIANS against Pericles,
at what time he dyd laye seige unto the cittie of SAMOS. Now this is true,
Pericles was much younger then Themistocles, and Anaxagoras dwelt with
Pericles in his owne house. Therefore we have better reason and occasion
to beleeve those that write, Themistocles dyd determine to followe Mnesiphilus
Phrearian. For he was no professed Orator, nor naturall philosopher, as
they termed it in that time: but made profession of that which then they
called wisedome. Which was no other thing, but a certen knowledge to handle
great causes, and an indevour to have a good wit and judgment in matters
of state & government: which profession beginning in Solon, dyd continue,
and was taken up from man to man, as a secte of philosophie. But those
that came sithence, have mingled it with arte of speache, & by litle
and litle have translated the exercise of deedes+, unto bare and curious
wordes: {PlainDealer+} whereupon they were called Sophisters, as who would
saye, counterfeate wise men. Notwithstanding, when Themistocles beganne
to medle with the government of the common weale, he followed much Mnesiphilus.
In the first parte of his youth, his be-
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-303> haviour and doings were very light and
unconstant, as one caried awaye with a rashe head, and without any order
or discretion: by reason whereof his manners and conditions seemed marvelously
to chaunge, and oftimes fell into very ill favored events, as him self
dyd after'wards confesse by saying: that a ragged colte oftimes proves
a good horse, specially if he be well ridden, and broken as he should be.
Other tales which some will seeme to adde to this, are in my opinion but
fables. AS that his father dyd disinherite him, and that his mother for
very care and sorowe she tooke to see the lewde life of her sonne, dyd
kill her self. For there are that write to the contrary, that his father
being desirous to take him from dealing in government, dyd goe and shewe
him all alongest the sea shore, the shippewracks and ribbes of olde gallyes
cast here and there, whereof no reckoning was made, and sayed to him: thus
the people use their governours, when they can serve no lenger. Howsoever
it was, it is most true that Themistocies earnestly gave him self to state,
and was sodainely taken with desire of glorie. For even at his first entrie,
bicause he would set foote before the prowdest, he stoode at pyke against
the greatest and mightiest persones, that bare the swaye and government,
& specially against Aristides, Lysimachus sonne, who ever encountered
him, and was still his adversarie opposite. Yet it seemeth the evil will
he conceived toward him, came of a very light cause. For they both loved
Stesilaus, that was borne in the cittie of TEOS, as Ariston the philosopher
writeth. And after this jealousie was kindled betweene them, they allwayes
tooke contrary parte one against another, not only in their private likings,
but also in the government of the common weale. Yet I am persuaded, that
the difference of their manners and conditions, did much encrease the grudge
and discorde betwext them. For Aristides being by nature a very good man,
a just dealer, and honest of life, and one
<Plut1-304> THEMISTOCLES that in all his doings would never flatter
the people, nor serve his owne glorie, but rather to the contrary would
doe, would saye, and counsaill allwayes for the most benefit and commoditie
of the common weale: was oftetimes enforced to resist Themistocles, and
disapoint his ambition, being ever busilie moving the people, to take some
new matter in hande. For they reporte of him, that he was so inflamed with
desire of glorie, and to enterprise great matters, that being but a very
yoong man at the battell of Marathon, where there was no talke but of the
worthines of captaine Miltiades that had wonne the battell: he was found
many times solitarilie there alone devising with him self: besides, they
saye he could then take no rest in the night, neither would goe to playes
in the daye time, nor would keepe companie with those whom he was accustomed
to be familiar withall before. Furthermore, he would tell them that woundred
to see him so in his muses, and chaunged, and asked him what he ayled:
that Miltiades victorie would not let him sleepe, bicause other thought
this overthrow at MARATHON, would have made an end of all warres. Howbeit
Themistocles was of a contrary opinion, and that it was but a beginning
of greater troubles. Therefore he daylie studied howe to prevent them,
and how to see to the safetie of GREECE and before occasion offered, he
did exercise his cittie in feats of warre, foreseeing what should followe
after. Wherefore, where the cittizens of ATHENS before dyd use to devide
among them selves the revenue of their mines of silver, which were in a
parte of ATTICA called LAVRION: he alone was the first that durst speake
to the people, and persuade them, that from thenceforth they should cease
that distribution among them selves, and employe the money of the same
in making of gallyes, to make warres against the AEGINETES. For their warres
of all GREECE were most cruell, bicause they
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-305> were lords of the sea, and had so great
a number of shippes. This persuasion drue the cittizens more easely to
Themistocles side, than the threatning them with king Darius, or the Persians
would have done: who were farre from them, and not feared that they would
come neere unto them. So this oportunitie taken of the hatred and jealousie
betwene the ATHENIANS and the AEGINETES, made the people to agree, of the
said money to make an hundred gallyes, with which they fought against king
Xerxes, and did overcome him by sea. Now after this good beginning and
successes he wanne the cittizens by degrees to bende their force to sea,
declaring unto them, howe by lande they were scant able to make heade against
their equalles, whereas by their power at sea, they should not only defende
them selves from the barbarous people, but moreover be able to commaund
all GRECE. Hereupon he made them good mariners, and passing sea men, as
Plato sayeth, where before they were stowte and valliant souldiers by lande.
This gave his enemies occasion to cast it in his teethe afterwards, that
he had taken away from the ATHENIANS the pike and the target, and had brought
them to the banke and the ower: and so he got the upper hand of Miltiades.
Who inveyed against hin in that, as Stesimbrotus writeth. Now after he
had thus his will, by bringing this sea service to passe, whether thereby
he dyd overthrow the justice of the comon weale or not, I leave that to
the philosophers to dispute. But that the preservation of all GRECE stoode
at that time upon the sea, and that the gallyes only were the cause of
setting up ATHENS againe: Xerxes him self is a sufficient witnes, besides
other proofes that might be brought thereof. For his armie by lande being
yet whole, and unset on, when he saw his armie by sea broken, dispersed,
and souncke, he fled straight upon it, confessing as it were that he was
nowe to weake to deale any more with
<Plut1-306> THEMISTOCLES the GREECIANS, & left Mardonius his
lieutenant in GREECE, of purpose in my opinion, rather to let that the
GREECIANS should not followe him, then for any hope he had to overcome
them. Some write of Themistocles, that he was a very good husband for his
own profit, and carefull to looke to his things: for he dyd spende liberally+,
and loved ofte to make sacrifices, and honorably to receyve & entertaine
straungers: wherefore he had good reason to be carefull to get, to defraye
his charges. Other to the contrary, blame him much, that he was to nere,
and miserable: for some saye, he would sell presents of meate that were
geven him. He dyd aske one Philides on a time, which had a brede of mares,
a colte of gifte: who denying him flatly, he was so angrie, that he threatned
him ere it were long he would make his house the horse of wodde, with the
which TROIA was taken. Meaning covertly to let him understande, that he
would shortly set strife and quarrel betwext him, and his nearest kinsemen
and familiar friends. It is true that he was the most ambitious man of
the world. For when he was but a young man, and scantly knowen, he earnestly
entreated one Epicles, borne at HERMIONNA, an excellent player of the citherne,
and counted at that time the conningest man in all ATHENS at that instrument,
that he would come & teache his arte at his house: and all was no more,
but that many people being desirous to heare him playe, should aske for
his house, and come thither to him. And one yere when he went unto the
feast and assembly of the playes Olympicall, he would nedes keepe open
house for all commers, have his tents richely furnished, and a great traine
of servants and all other furniture, only to contende with Cimon. This
marvelously spighted the GREECIANS, who thought Themistocles expences fit
for Cimons countenance, and abilitie, bicause he was a young gentleman,
and of a noble house: but for him that was but a
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-307> new come man, and would beare a greater
porte, then either became his calling or abilitie, they thought it not
only unallowable in him, but meere presumption and vaine glorie. Another
time he defrayed the whole charges of a tragedie which was played openly:
and being set out therein to have wonne the prise, and the ATHENIANS being
marvelous desirous of the honour in such playes, he caused this victorie
of his to be painted in a table, which he did dedicate and set up in a
temple, with this inscription: 'Themistocles Phrearian defrayed The charges:
Phrynicus made it: Adimantus was chief ruler.' Yet notwithstanding he was
well taken of the common people, partly bicause he would speake to every
cittizen by his name, no man telling him their names: and partly also bicause
he shewed him self an upright judge in private mens causes. AS one daye
he aunswered the poet Simonides, borne in Chio, who dyd request an unreasonable
matter at his hands, at that time when he was governour of the cittie.
Thou couldest be no good poet, Simonides, if thou diddest singe against
the rules of musike: neither my self a good governour of a citie, if I
should doe any thing against the lawe. And mocking the same Simonides another
time, he told him he was but a foole to speake ill of the CORINTHIANS,
considering they were lords of so great and strong a cittie. Likewise he
was not wise to make him self to be drawen, being so deformed and ill favored.
But being growne in credit, and having wonne the favour of the people,
he was such an enemy to Aristides, that in the end he made him to be expulsed
and banished ATHENS, for 5. yeres. When newes were brought that the king
of PERSIA was onwardes on his jorney and coming downe to make warres upon
the GREECIANS: the ATHENIANS consulted whom they should make their generall.
And it is reported, that all their common counsellers which were wont to
speake in matters, fearing the
<Plut1-308> THEMISTOCLES daunger, dyd drawe backe, save an orator
called Epicydes, Euphemides sonne, very eloquent in speache, but somwhat
womanishe, fainte harted, and gredie of money, offred him self to sue for
this charge, and had some hope to obteine it. Wherefore Themistocles fearing
all would not be well, if it fell to this man to be generall of the armie,
he bought out Epicydes ambition with ready money, and so made him let fall
his sute. It fell out Themistocles was greatly comended, about that was
done to the interpreter, that came with the king of PERSIAES ambassadours,
and demaunded the empire of the GPEECIANS both by sea and lande, that they
should acknowledge obedience to the King. For he caused him to be taken,
and put to death by a comon consent, for using the Greeke tongue in the
service and commaundement of the barbarous people. It was a notable thing
also, that at his motion, Arthmius born at ZELEA, was noted of infamie,
both he, his children, and all his posteritie after him, bicause he brought
gold from the king of PERSIA, to corrupt and winne the GREECIANS. But the
greatest and worthiest acte he did in those parts, was this: that he pacified
all civill warres among the GREECIANS, persuading the citties to leave
of their quarrels untill the warres were done, in the which they saye Chileus
Arcathan did helpe him more then any other man. He being now chosen general]
of the ATHENIANS, went about presently to imbarke his cittizens into gallyes,
declaring to them they should leave their cittie, and goe mete with the
barbarous King by sea, so farre from the coast of GREECE as they could:
but the people did not thincke that good. Wherefore he led great numbers
of souldiers by lande, into the countrie of TEMPES with the LACEDAEMONIANS,
to keepe the passage & entrie into THESSALIE, against the barbarous
people, which countrie stoode yet sownde to GREECE, and not revolted to
the
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-309> MEDES. Afterwards the GRECIANS coming from
thence without any acte done, and the THESSALIANS also being wonne somewhat
on the Kings side, for that all the whole country unto BOEOTIA was at the
devotion and goodwill of the barbarous people: then the ATHENIANS beganne
to finde, howe Themistocles opinion to fight by sea was very good. Whereupon
they sent him with their navie to the cittie of ARTEMISIVM, to kepe the
straight. There the other GRECIANS would have had the LACEDAEMONIANS and
their admirall Eurybiades to have had the authoritie and commaundement
of the rest. But the ATHENIANS would not set sayle under any other admirall
then their own, bicause theirs were the greatest number of shippes in the
armie, and above all the other GRECIANS. Themistocles foreseing the daunger
that was likely to fall out amongest them selves, dyd willingly yelde the
whole authoritie unto Eurybiades, and got the ATHENIANS to agree unto it:
assuring them, that if they behaved them selves valliantly in these warres,
the other GREECIANS of their own accorde would afterwards subject them
selves unto their obedience. Hereby it appeareth, that he only of all other
was at that time, the originall cause of the saving of GREECE, and dyd
most advaunce the honour and glorie of the ATHENIANS, by making them to
overcome their enemies by force, and their friends and allies with liberalitie+.
In the meane time, Eurybiades seing the barbarous flete riding at anker,
all alongest the Ile of APHETES, with such a great number of shippes in
the vaward, he beganne to be affrayed. And understanding moreover, there
were other 200. sayle that went to cast about the Ile of SCIATHE, and so
to come in: he presently would have retired further into GRFECE, and would
have drawen neerer unto PELOPONNESVS, to the end their army by sea might
be neare their army by lande, as thinking it unpossible to fight with king
Xer-
<Plut1-310> THEMISTOCLES xes power by sea. Whereupon the inhabitants
of the Ile of EVBOEA, fearing least the GRECIANS would [leave them] to
the spoyle of the enemy, they caused Themistocles secretly to be spoken
with all, & sent him a good somme of money by one called Pelagon. Themistocles
tooke the money, as Herodotus writeth, and gave it to Eurybiades. But there
was one Architeles amongest the ATHENIANS, captaine of the galley called
the holy galley, that was much against Themistocles intended purpose: who
having no money to paye his mariners, dyd what he could that they might
departe with speede from thence. Themistocles sturred up then his souldiers
more against him then before, insomuch as they went abord@s galley, and
tooke his supper from him. Architeles being marvelous angrie and offended
withall, Themistocles sent him both bread & meat in a pannier, and
in the bottome thereof he had put a talent of silver, bidding him for that
night to suppe with that, and the next morning he should provide for his
mariners, or els he would complaine, and accuse him to the cittizens that
he had taken money of the enemies. Thus it is written by Phanias Lesbian.
Moreover these first fights in the straite of EVBOEA, betweene the GPEECIANS,
and the barbarous people, were nothing to purpose to end the warres betwene
them. For it was but a taste geven unto them, which served the GREECIANS
turne very much, by making them to see by experience, and the manner of
the fight, that it was not the great multitude of shippes, nor the pompe
and sumptuous setting out of the same, nor the prowde barbarous showts
and songes of victorie that could stande them to purpose, against noble
harts and valliant minded souldiers, that durst grapple with them, &
come to hands strokes with their enemies: and that they should make no
reckoning of all that bravery and bragges, but should sticke to it like
men, and laye it on the jacks of them. The which (as
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-311> it seemeth) the poet Pindarus understoode
very well, when he sayed touching the battell of ARTEMISIVM. The stowte
Athenians, have nowe foundation layed, unto the libertie of Greece, by
these assaults assayed. For out of doubt the beginning of victorie, is
to be hardie. This place ARTEMISIVM is a parte of the Ile of EVBOEA, looking
towards the north, above the cittie of ESTIAEA, lying directly over against
the country which somtimes was under the obedience of the PHILOCTETES,
and specially of the Cittie of OLIZON. There is a litle temple of Diana,
surnamed Orientall, round about the which there are trees, and a compasse
of pillers of white stone, which when a man rubbes with his hande, they
shewe of the culler and savour of safferne. And in one of those pillers
there is an inscription of lamentable verses to this effect. When boldest
bloods of Athens by their might had overcome, the numbers infinite of Asia:
they then in memorie, of all their dedes, and valliant victorie beganne
to builde, this noble monument: and to Diane the same they dyd present
for that they had the Medes likewise subdued, and with their blood, their
hardy hands embrued. There is a place seene also upon that coast at this
daye, a good waye into the lande, in the middest whereof are great sands
full of blacke dust as ashes: and they thincke that they burnt in that
place all dead bodies and olde shippwracks. Newes being brought what had
bene done in the countrie of THERMOPYLES, how that king Leonidas was dead,
and how that Xerxes had won that entry into GREECE by lande: the GREECIANS
then brought their whole army by sea more into GREECE, the ATHE-
<Plut1-312> THEMISTOCLES NIANS being in the rereward in this retire,
as men whose hartes were lifte up with the glorie of their former valliant
dedes. Nowe Themistocles passing by those places where he knewe the enemies
must of necessitie fall upon the lee shore for harborow: he dyd ingrave
certen wordes spoken unto the IONIANS in great letters in stone, which
he founde there by chaunce, or purposely brought thither for that purpose,
where there was very good harber for shippes, and fit places also to lye
in. These were the wordes, that the IONIANS should take the GREECIANS partes
being their founders and auncesters, & such as fought for their libertie:
or at the least they should trouble the armie of the barbarous people,
and doe them all the mischief they could, when the GREECIANS should come
to fight with them. By these words he hoped either to bring the IONIANS
to take their parte, or at the least he should make the barbarous people
jealous and mistrustfull of them. Xerxes being already entred in the uppermost
parte of the province of DORICA, into the countrie of PHOCIDA, burning
and destroying the townes & citties of the PHOCIANS: the other GREECIANS
laye still and suffered the invasion, notwithstanding the ATHENIANS did
request them to mete with the barbarous armie in BOEOTIA, to save the countrie
of ATTICA, as before they had done, when they went by sea to ARTEMISIVM.
But they would not hearken to it in no wise, and all was bicause they were
desirous they should drawe to the straite of PELOPONNESVS, and there they
should assemble the whole strength and power of GREECE within the barre
of the same, and make a strong substantiall walle from the one sea to the
other. The ATHENIANS were very angrie at this devise, and were half discoraged
and out of harte, to see them selves thus forsaken and cast of, by the
rest of the GREECIANS. For it was out of all speache that they alone should
fight against so many
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-313> thousands of enemies: and therefore their
only remedy was, to leave their cittie: and to get them to the sea. The
people were very unwilling to listen hereunto, making their reckoning it
was nedeles to be carefull to overcome, or to save them selves, having
once forsaken the temples of their godds, and the graves of their parents.
Wherfore Themislocles seeing that neither reason, nor mans persuasion could
bring the people to like his opinion: he beganne to frame a devise (as
men doe use somtimes in tragedies) and to threaten the ATHENIANS with signes
from heaven, with oracles and aunswers from the goddes. And the occasion
of Minervaes draggon served his turne for a celestiall signe and token,
which by good fortune dyd not appeare in those dayes in the temple as it
was wont to doe: and the priests found the sacrifices which were daylie
offered to him, whole and untouched by any. Wherefore being enformed by
Themistocles what they should doe, they spred a brute abroade amongest
the people, that the goddesse Minerva, the protectour and defendour of
the cittie, had forsaken it, pointing them the waye unto the sea. And againe
he wanne them by a prophecie, which commaunded them to save them selves
in walles of wodd: saying, that the walles of wodd dyd signifie nothing
els but shippes. And for this cause he saied, Apollo in his oracle called
SALAMINA divine, not miserable nor unfortunate, bicause it should geve
the name of a most happy victorie which the GREECIANS should get there.
And so at the last they following his counsell, he made this decree, that
they should leave the cittie of ATHENS to the custodie of the goddesse
Pallas, that was lady and governour of the country, and that all those
which were of age to carie any weapon should get them to the gallyes: and
for the rest, that every man should see his wife, children, and bondmen
placed in some suer place as well as he could. After this decree was
<Plut1-314> THEMISTOCLES past and authorised by the people, the
most parte of them did convey their aged fathers and mothers, their wives
and litle children, into the cittie of TROEZEN, where the TROEZENIANS receyved
them very lovingly and gently. For they gave order that they should be
entertained of the common charge, allowing them a pece, two obulos of their
money a daye, and suffered the young children to gather fruite wheresoever
they founde it: and furthermore dyd hier schoolemasters at the charge of
the common wealth, to bring them up at schoole. He that was the penner
of this decree, was one called Nicagoras. The ATHENIANS at that time, had
no common money, but the Senate of the Areopagites (as Aristotle sayeth)
furnished every souldier with eight drachmas, which was the only meane
that the gallyes were armed. Yet Clidemus writeth, that this was a crafte
devised of Themistocles. The ATHENIANS being come downe unto the haven
of PIRAEA, he made as though Pallas tergat (on the which Medusaes heade
was graven) had bene lost, and was not found with the image of the goddesse:
and faining to seeke for it, he ransacked every corner of the gallyes,
and founde a great deale of silver which private persones had hidden amongest
their fardells. This money was brought out unto the people, and by this
meanes the souldiers that were shipped had wherewithal, to provide them
of necessary things. When time came that they were to departe the haven,
and that all the cittie of ATHENS had taken sea: one waye it was a pittie
to beholde them. Another waye it made all sortes to wounder, that considered
the boldnes and corage of those men, which before sent awaye their fathers,
and mothers from them, and were nothing moved at the teares, cries, sherikes,
and imbrasings of their wives, their children, and departures, but stowtly
and resolutely helde on their course to SALAMINA. Notwithstanding, there
were many olde cit-
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-315> tizens lest still of necessitie in ATHENS,
bicause they could not be removed for very extreme age, which sturred many
with compassion toward them. There was besides, a certen pittie that made
mens harts to yerne, when they saw the poore doggs, beasts, and cattell
ronne up and downe bleating, mowing, and howling out alowde after their
masters, in token of sorowe, when they dyd imbarke. Amongest these, there
goeth a straunge tale of Xanthippus dogge, who was Pericles father: which
for sorowe his master had left him behinde him, dyd cast him self after
into the sea, and swimming still by the galleys side wherein his master
was, he helde on to the Ile of SALAMINA, where so sone as the poore curre
landed, his breath fayled him, and dyed presently. They saye, at this daye
the place called the doggs grave, is the very place where he was buried.
These were straunge acts of Themistocles, that beholding the ATHENIANS
sory for the absence of Aristides, and fearing least of spyte he taking
parte with the barbarous nation, might have bene the ruine and distruction
of the state of GREECE, being banished five yeres also before the warres,
by Themistocles procurement: that he dyd set forth a decree, that all those
which had bene banished for a time, might returne home againe, to doe,
to saye, and to geve counsell to the cittizens in those things, which they
thought best for the' preservation of GREECE. And also where Eurybiades,
being generall of the GREECIANS whole army by sea, for the worthines of
the cittie of SPARTA, but otherwise a rancke coward at time of need, would
in any case departe from thence, and retire into the goulfe of PELOPONNESVS,
where all the army of the PELOPONNESIANS was by lande assembled: that Themistocles
withstood him, and did hinder it all he could. At that time also it was,
that Themistocles made so notable aunswers, which specially are noted,
and gathered together. For when Eurybi-
<Plut1-316> THEMISTOCLES ades sayed one daye unto him. Themistoles,
those that at playes and games doe rise before the company, are whistled
at. It is true, said Themistocles: but those that tarie last so, doe never
winne any game. Another time Eurybiades having a staffe in his hande lift
it up, as though he would have striken him. Strike and thou wilt, said
he, so thou wilt heare me. Euryhiades woundring to see him so pacient,
suffered him then to saye what he would. Then Themistocles beganne to bring
him to reason: but one that stoode by sayed unto him. Themistocles, for
a man that hath neither cittie nor house, it is an ill parte to will others
that have, to forsake all. Themistocles turning to him, replied. We have
willingly forsaken our houses and walles, sayed he, cowardly beaste that
thou arte, bicause we would not become slaves for feare to lose things,
that have neither soule nor life. And yet our cittie I tell thee is the
greatest of all GREECE: for it is a fleete of two hundred galleys ready
to fight, which are come hither to save you if you list. But if you will
needes goe your wayes, and forsake us the seconde time: you shall heare
tell ere it be long, that the ATHENIANS have another free cittie, and have
possessed againe as much good land, as that they have already lost. These
wordes made Eurybiades presently thincke, and feare, that the ATHENIANS
would not goe, and that they would forsake them. And as another Eretrian
was about to utter his reason against Themistocles opinion: he could not
but aunswer him. Alas, and must you my masters talke of warres to, that
are like to a Sleue? In deede you have a sworde, but you lacke a harte.
Some write, that whilest Themistoles was talking thus from his galley,
they spyed an owle flying on the right hande of the shippes, which came
to light on one of the mastes of the galleys: and that hereupon all the
other GREECIANs dyd agree to his opinion, and pre-
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-317> pared to fight by sea. But when the flete
of their enemies shippes shewed on the coastes of ATTICA, harde by the
haven Phalericus, and covered all the rivers thereabouts, as farre as any
bodie could see, and that king Xerxes him selfe was come in persone with
all his army by lande, to campe by the sea side: so that his whole power
both by lande and sea might be seene in sight: then the GREECIANS had forgotten
all Themistocles goodly persuasions, and beganne to incline againe to the
PELOPONNESIANS, considering how they might recover the goulfe of PELOPONNESVS,
and they dyd growe very angry, when any man went about to talke of any
other matter. To be shorte, it was concluded that they should sayle awaye
the next night following, and the masters of the shippes had order geven
them to make all things readie for them to departe. Themistocles perceyving
their determination, he was marvelous angry in his minde, that the GREECIANS
would thus disperse them selves a sonder, repairing every man to his owne
cittie, and leaving the advantage which the nature of the place, and the
straight of the arme of the sea, where they laye in harber together, did
offer them: and so he bethought him selfe howe this was to be holpen. Sodainely
the practise of one Sicinus came into his minde, who being a PERSIAN borne,
and taken prisoner before in the warres, loved Themistocles very well,
and was schoolemaster to his children. This Sicinus he secretly. sent unto
the king of PERSIA, to advertise him that Themistocles (generall of the
ATHENIANS) was very desirous to become his majesties servaunte, & that
he dyd let him understand betimes, that the GREECIANS were determined to
flye: and therefore that he wished him not to let them scape, but to set
upon them, whilest they were troubled and affrayed, and farre from their
army by lande, to the ende that upon a sodaine he might
<Plut1-318> THEMISTOCLES overthrowe their whole power by sea. Xerxes
supposing this intelligence came from a man that wished him well, receyved
the messenger with great joye, and thereupon gave present order to his
captaines by sea, that they should imbarke their men into the other shippes
at better leysure, and that presently they should put out with all possible
speede, two hundred sayle to followe the GREECIANS in the taile, to shut
up the foreland of the straite, and to compasse the Iles all about, that
not one of his enemies shippes should scape: and so it fell out. The n
Aristides (Lysimachus sonne) being the first that perceyved it, went to
Themistocles tente, though he was his enemie, & through his only meanes
had bene banished before, as ye have heard: and calling him out, told him
how they were environned. Themistocles, who knewe well enough the goodnes
of this man, being very glad he came at that time to seeke him out, declared
unto him the pollicie he had used by the message of Sicinus, praying him
to put to his helpe to staye the GREECIANS, and to procure with him, considering
his worde had more authoritie among them, that they would fight within
the straight of SALAMINA. Aristides commending his great wisdome, went
to deale with the captaines of the other gallyes, and to procure them to
fight. For all this, they would not credit that he sayed, untill such time
as there arrived a galley of TENEDIENA, whereof one Panetius was captaine,
who being stolen out of the hoste of the barbarous army, brought certen
newes, that the straight out of doubt was shut up. So that besides the
necessitie which dyd urge them, the spight which the GREECIANS conceyved
thereof, dyd provoke them to hazard the battell. The next morning by breake
of daye, king Xerxes placed him selfe on a marvelous steepe highe hill,
from whence he might descerne his whole fkete, and the ordering of his
army by sea, above the temple of Hercules,
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-319> as Phanodemus writeth. Which is the narrowe
waye or channell betwext the Ile of SALAMINA, and the coast of ATTICA:
or as Acestodorus sayeth, upon the confines of the territories of MEGARA,
above the pointe which they commonly call the hornes. There Xerxes set
up a throne of golde, and had about him many secretaries, to write all
that was done in the battel. But as Themistocles was sacrificing unto the
goddes in his galley that was admiral, they brought to him three young
prisoners, fayer of complexion, richely arrayed with gold and juellss,
whom they sayed were the children of Sandauce the kings sister, and of
prince Autarilus. So soone as Euphrantides the soothesayer had seene them,
and at their arrivall observed there rose a great bright flame out of the
sacrifice, and at the very selfe same instant that one on his right hand
had sneesed: he tooke Themistocles by the hand, and willed him to sacrifice
all those three prisoners unto the god Bacchus, surnamed Omeiles, as much
to saye, as the cruell Bacchus: for in doing it, the GREECIANS should not
only be saved, but they should have the victorie over their enemies. Themistocles
woundred much, to heare so straunge and terrible a commaundement of the
soothsayer. Nevertheles, the comon sorte following his custome, which is,
to promise safety soner in the greatest daungers, and most desperate cases,
by straunge and unreasonable, rather then by reasonable and ordinary meanes:
they beganne to call upon the god with one voyce, and bringing the three
prisoners neere unto the altar, they compelled him to performe the sacrifice
in that sorte as the soothesayer had appointed. Phanias Lesbian, an excellent
philosopher, and well seene in stories and antiquities, reporteth this
matter thus. AS for the number of the shippes of the barbarous navie: AEschylus
the poet, in a tragedie which he intituled the PERSIANS, knowing certainely
the trothe, sayeth thus:
<Plut1-320> THEMISTOCLES King Xerxes had, a thousand shippes I knowe,
amongst the which, two hundred were (I trowe) and seven: which all the
rest dyd oversayle with swifter course. This is withouten fayle. The ATHENIANS
had nine score, in every one of the which there were eightene souldiers,
whereof foure of them were archers, and all the rest armed men. Themistocles
also did with no lesse skill and wisedom choose his time and place to fight,
forbearing to charge his enemies, untill the hower was come, that of ordinarie
custome the sea winde arose, and brought in a tough tyde within the channell,
which dyd not hurt the GRECIAN gallyes, being made lowe and snugge, but
greatly offended the PERSIAN gallyes, being highe cargged, heavie, and
not yare of steredge, and made them lye sidelong to the GREECIANS, who
fiercely set upon them having allwayes an eye to Themistocles direction,
that best foresawe their advantage. At the same time, Ariamenes, Xerxes
admirall, a man of great valure and worthiest of the Kings brethern, bestowed
arrowes and dartes as it were from the walles of a castell, charging the
gallye of Aminias Decelian, and Sosicles Pedian, which were joyned and
grappled with him, and fiercely entring the same, was by them valiantly
receyved upon their pikes, and thrust over borde into the sea. Whose bodie
floting amongest other shippewracks ARTEMISIA knowing, caused to be caried
to king Xerxes. Nowe whilest this battell stoode in these termes, they
saye that there appeared a great flame in the element, toward the cittie
of ELEVSIN, and that a lowde voyce was heard through all the plaine of
THRIASIA unto the sea, as if there had bene a number of men together, that
had songe out alowde, the holy songe of Iacchus. And it seemed by litle
and litle, that there rose a clowde in the ayer from those which sange:
that left the land, and came and lighted on the gallyes in the sea. O-
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-321> ther affirmed that they sawe armed men,
which did reache out their hands from the Ile of AEGINA, towards the GREECIAN
gallyes: and they thought they were the ZEACIDES, for whose helpe they
all prayed before the battell was begonne. The first man of the ATHENIANS
that tooke any of the enemies shippes, was Lycomedes, a captaine of a galyve:
who having taken very rich furniture and flagges, did asterwards consecrate
them to Apollo laurell: as ye would saye, victorious. The other GREECIANS
in the fronte being equall in number with the barbarous shipps, by reason
of the straightnes of the arme of the sea wherein they fought and so straightned
as they could not fight but by one and one, where by the barbarians disorderly
layed one another abourde, that they did hinder them selves with their
over multitude: and in the ende were so sore pressed upon by the GREECIANS,
that they were constrayned to flye by night, after they had fought and
maintained battell, until it was very darke. So the GREECIANS wanne that
glorious & famous victorie: of the which maye truly be affirmed that,
as Simonides sayeth: Was never yet, nor Greeke nor Barbarous crew that
could by sea, so many men subdew: Nor that obteined, so famous victorie
in any fight, against their enemie. Thus was the victorie wonne through
the valliantnes and corage of those that fought that battell, but especially
through Themistocles great policie and wisdome. After this battell Xerxes
being mad for his losse, thought to fill up the arme of the sea, and to
passe his armie by lande, upon a bridge, into the Ile of SALAMINA. Themistocles,
bicause he would feele Aristides opinion, tolde him as they were talking
together, that he thought best to goe and occupie the straight of HELLESPONT
with the
<Plut1-322> THEMISTOCLES armie by sea, to breake the bridge of shippes
which Xerxes had caused to be made: to the ende, said he, that we that
we may take Asia into Europe. Aristides liked not this opinion: for we
have (said he) fought all this while against this barbarous king, who thought
but to playe with us: but if we shut him within GREECE, and bring him to
fight of necessitie to save his life: such an enemie that commaundeth so
great an armie, will no more stand still as a looker on, and set at his
ease under his golden pavilion, to see the pastime of the battell, but
will prove everie waye, and be him selfe in every place at all assayes
to save him self from such a straight and daunger. Thus with politicke
care and foresight, he maye easely amend his former faulte committed by
negligence, and doe well enough, when he shall see his life and Kingdome
both depend upon it. Therefore Themistocles, I would thincke not best to
breake his bridge at all which he hath caused to be made: but rather if
we could, to build another to it, to drive him out of EVROPE as sone as
we could. Themistocles then replied: Seeing you thincke this were good
to be done, we must all laye our heades together, to devise, how he maye
be forced to come out assone as we could. They breaking of with this resolution,
Themistocles sent immediately one of the Kings enuches, called Arsaces,
that was one of the gromes of his chamber, whom he found out amongest the
prisoners, and by him he sent this message unto the King. That the GREECIANS
having wonne the battell of him by sea, had decreed in their counsell,
how they would goe to the straight of HELLESPONT, to breake the bridge
of shippes he had caused to be made there. Whereof he thought good to advertise
him, for the goodwil he did beare him, and to the ende he might bethincke
him betimes, to get him away to the sea within his own dominion, and so
passe backe againe into ASIA as sone as he could, whilest he gave order
to
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-323> his allies and confederates, to staye following
him at the poope. The barbarous King understanding these newes, was so
affrayed, that he hoysed away with all possible speede. The further foresight
and great wisdome of Themistocles, and Aristides, in marine causes, dyd
manifestly appeare afterwards in the battel the GREECIANS fought before
the cittie of PLATEA, against Mardonius, king Xerxes lieutenante: who having
but a small power of the king his soveraines there, dyd yet put the GREECIANS
to great distresse, and in hazard to have lost all. Of all the townes and
citties that fought in this battell, Herodotus writeth, that the cittie
of AEGINA wanne the fame for valliantnes above the rest: and of private
men, among the GRECIANS, Themistocles was judged the worthiest man: although
it was sore against their willes, bicause they envied much his glory. For
after the battell done, all the captaines being gotten into the straight
of PELOPONNESVS, and having sworne upon the altar of their sacrifices,
that they would geve their voyces after their consciences, to those they
thought had best deserved it: every one gave him selfe the first place
for worthines, and the seconde unto Themislocles. {Swift+} The LACEDEMONIANS
caried him into SPARTA, where they judged the honour and dignitie to their
admirall Eurybiades: but the wisedome and pollicie they attributed to Themistocles.
In token thereof they gave him an olive braunche, and the goodliest coche
that was in their cittie: and moreover they sent three hundred of their
lusty youthes to accompany him, and conducte him out of their countrie.
They saye, at the next feastes and assembly of the playes Olympicall that
were made after this victorie: when Themistocles was once come into the
showe place where these games were played, the people looked no more on
them that fought, but all cast their eyes on him, shewing him to the straungers
which knewe him not, with their fin-
<Plut1-324> THEMISTOCLES gers, and by clapping of their handes dyd
witnesse howe much they esteemed him. Whereat he him selfe tooke so great
delite, that he confessed to his familiar friends, he then dyd reape the
fruite and benefit of his sundry and painefull services he had taken in
hande, for the preservation of GREECE: so ambitious was he of nature, &
covetous of honour, as we maye easely perceyve by certen of his dedes and
notable sayings they have noted of him. For being chosen admirall of ATHENS
he never dispatched any causes private or publicke, howsoever they fell
out, untill the very daye of his departure, and taking shippe: and all
bicause that men seeing him ryd much busines at once, and to speake with
so many persones together, they should esteeme him to be the notablet man,
& of the greater authoritie. Another time he walked upon the sandes
by the sea side, beholding the dead bodies of the barbarous people, which
the sea had cast up upon the shore: and seing some of them that had on
still their chaynes of golde, and bracelets, he passed by on his waye,
but shewed them yet to his familiar friende that followed him, and sayed
unto him: take thou those, for thou art not ThemiUocles. And unto one Antiphates,
who in his youth had bene a goodly young boye, and at that time dyd scornefully
behave him selfe unto him, making no reckoning of him: & now that he
sawe him in authoritie came to see him, he sayed: O my young sonne, and
friend: we are both even at one time (but to late) growen wise. He sayed
the ATHENIANS dyd not esteeme of him in time of peace: but when any storme
of warres were towardes, and they stoode in any daunger, they ranne to
him then, as they ronne to the shadowe of a plane tree, upon any sodaine
raine: and after fayer weather come againe, they cut awaye then the braunches,
and bowghes thereof. There was a man home in the Ile of SERIPHA, who being
fallen out with him, dyd cast him in the teethe,
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-325> that it was not for his worthiness but
for the noble cittie wherein he was borne, that he had wonne such glorie.
Thou sayest true sayed he: but neither should I ever have wonne any great
honour, if I had bene ASERIPHIAN, nor thou also if thou haddest bene an
ATHENIAN. An other time one of the captaines of the cittie, having done
good service unto the common weale, made boast before Themistocles, and
compared his service equall with his. Themistocles to aunswer him, tolde
him a prety tale. That the working daye brawled on a time with the holy
daye, repining against her, that he laboured for his living continually,
and howe she dyd nothing but fill her bellie, and spende that they had
gotten. Thou hast reason sayed the holy daye. But if I had not bene before
thee, thou haddest not bene here nowe. And so, if I had not bene then:
where had you my masters bene nowe? His owne sonne was a litle to sawsie
with his mother, and with him also, bearing him self over boldely of her
good will, by meanes of her cockering of him. Whereupon being merely disposed,
he would saye that his sonne could doe more then any man in all GRECE.
For, sayeth he, the ATHENIANS commaunde the GRAECIANS, I commaunde the
ATHENIANS, my wife commaundeth me, and my sonne commaundeth her. Moreover
bicause he would be singular by him selfe above all other men: having a
pece of lande he would sell, he willed the crier to proclaims open sale
of it in the market place, and with all he should adde unto the sale, that
his lande laye by a good neighbour. An other time, two men being suters
to his daughter, he preferred the honester before the richer, saying: he
had rather have to his sonne in lawe a man that lacked goodes, then goodes
to lacke a man. {Cicero+} These were Themistocles pleasaunt conceites and
aunswers. But after he had done all these things we have spoken of before,
he tooke in hande to buylde againe the cittie and walles of ATHENS,
<Plut1-326> THEMISTOCLES and dyd corrupt the officers of LACEDAEMONIA
with money, to the end they should not hinder his purpose, as Theopompus
writeth. Or as all other saye when he had deceyved them by this subtiltie,
he went unto SPARTA as ambassadour, sent thither of purpose upon the complaintes
of the LACEDAEMONIANS, for that the ATHENIANS dyd inclose their cittie
againe with walles, who were accused unto the counsaill of SPARTA, by an
orator called Poliarchus, who was sent thither from the AEGINETES, of purpose
to prosecute this matter against the ATHENIANS. Themislocles stowtely denied
it to them, & prayed them for better understanding of the trothe, they
would sende some of their men thither to see it. This was but a fetche
only to winne by this delaye, the ATHENIANS so muche more time to rayse
up their walles, and that the ATHENIANS should keepe as ostages for suertie
of his persone, those they should send to ATHENS, to bring backe the reporte
thereof and so it fell out. For the LACEDAEMONIANS being informed of the
trothe as it was, dyd him no hurte, but dissembling the misliking they
had to be thus abused by him, sent him awaye safe and sounde. Afterwardes
he made them also mende and fortifie the haven of PIRAEA, having considered
the situation of the place, and all to incline the cittie to the sea. Wherein
he dyd directly contrary to all the counsell of the auncient kings of ATHENS:
who seeking (as they saye) to withdrawe their people from the sea, and
to accustome them to live upon the lande, by planting, sowing, and plowing
their groundes. dyd devise and geve out abroade, the fable they tell of
the goddesse Pallas. And that is this, how she contending with Neptune
about the patronage of the country of ATHENS, brought forth & shewed
to the judges the olyve tree, by meanes whereof she prevailed, and obteined
the preheminence. Even so Themistocles dyd not joyne the haven of PIRAEA,
unto
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-327> the, cittie of ATHENS, as the comicall
poet Aristophanes sayeth: but rather joined the cittie unto the haven PIRAEA,
and the lande unto the sea. By this meanes he made the people strongly
against the nobilitie, and brought the comtnunaltie to waxe bolder then
they were before, by reason the rule and authoritie fell into the handes
of saylers, mariners, pilottes, shippemasters, and such kinde of seafaring
men: so as the pulpet where all the oracles were made, stoode in the market
place of PNyx, and dyd looke towardes the sea. But the thirtie tyrannes
that came in afterwardes, dyd remove it, and turne it towardes the lande:
holding opinion to be strong by sea, was it that dyd mainteine the authoritie
of the popular state. And that contrariwise they which live by the labour
and toyle of the earthe, doe more willingly like the government of Nobilitie.
Themistocles called to minde another matter also of greater importance,
to make the cittie of ATHENS of a greater power by sea. For after the retire
of Xerxes, and that all the fleete and navie of the GRECIANS wintered in
the haven of PAGASES: he sayed one daye in an open assembly of the people,
that he had thought of a thing which would be very profitable and beneficiall
for them, but it was not to be tolde openly. The people willed him then
to imparte it to Aristides: and if he thought it good, they would execute
it speedely. Themistocles then tolde Aristides: the thing he had considered
of, was to burne the Arcenal where the GRECIANS navy laye, and to set on
fire all their shippes. Aristides hearing his purpose, returned to the
people, and tolde them: howe nothing could be more profitable, but with
all more unjust, then that which Themistocles had devised. The ATHENIANS
then willed Aristides it should be let alone altogether. Furthermore when
the LACEDAEMONIANS had exhibited their petition to the counsell of the
Amphictyons (that is the generall counsaill of all the states of GRAECE
<Plut1-328> THEMISTOCLES assembled) howe the townes & citties
of GRAECE which had not bene parties with the GRAECIANS to the league,
against the barbarous people, should be put of wholy from this counsaill.
Themiaocles dowting of the ARGIVES, the THESSALIANS, and the THEBANS also
should by this meanes be exempted, that the LACEDAEMONIANS would be then
the greater number in voyces, and by this meanes might doe what they would
in this counsell: he spake so consideratly for the citties which they would
have thus discharged, that he made the petitioners in the assembly utterly
to chaunge their opinion. Declaring, howe there were but one and thirtie
citties comprised only the league, and yet that some of them were very
weake and small: and howe it were no reason, that rejecting all the rest
of GRECE, the greatest authoritie of this counsaill should fall into the
handes of two or three of the chiefest citties alone. For this cause chiefly
the LACEDAEMONIANS dyd ever beare him extreme hatred, and dyd set up Cimon
all they could, to be allwayes adversary opposite unto him, and as it were
to bearde him in all matters of state, and the government of ATHENS. They
procured him besides, the ill will and displeasure of all the friendes
and confederates of the ATHENIANS, for that he went sayling still to and
fro alongest the Iles, exacting money of the inhabitants of the same. And
this is to be knowen by the matter propounded by him to the ANDRIANS (of
whom he would have had money) and by the aunswer they made him, as Herodotus
writeth. Which was, howe he had brought them two mightie goddes: Love,
and Force. And they aunswered him againe, that they also had two great
goddesses, which kept them from geving of him any money: Povertie, and
Impossibilitie. And to make this good also: Timocreon the Rhodian poet
galled him to the quicke, when he sharpely taunted him, for calling many
home againe for
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-329> money that were banished: and howe for
covetousnes of money he had betrayed, & forsaken, his hoste & friende.
The verses wherein this matter is mentioned, are to this effecte. Who list
commend worthy Pausanias, Xanthippus or good Leotychides, yet shall I seeme
but light thereof to passe, compared with Valliant Aristides. For yet was
naye, the like in Athens towne, nor never shall come none of like renowne.
Themistocles by right and due deserte, is hated of Latona for his lyes,
and for he bare a traitrous wicked harte, who like a wretche, and nigard
did devise, for small rewardes, his host Timocreon to holde, out of his
countrie Ialison. He tooke for bribe (unjustly yet therewhile) of ready
coyne three talents fayre and bright, revoking such as pleased him, from
exile and banishing full many a worthy wight. Or putting them to death,
without cause tolde, he gate thereby, great heapes of coyne and golde.
But in the ende (O right rewarde for such) this bribing wretch, was forced
for to holde, a tiplig bowthe, most like a clowne or snuche, at holy feastes
and pastimes manifold, which were amongest the people in those dayes Istmiciane
folke, dyd use the like allwayes. And there he served, hiss gests with
cold meat still, whilest they that tasted of his cookerie, gan wishe that
they (to ease their weary will) had never lived to see the treccherie,
of false Themistocles, and that he might no longer live, which wrought
them such despight.
<Plut1-330> THEMISTOCLES After this, he dyd more openly blase him
to the worlde, when he was banished and condemned: in a songe that had
beginning thus. O Muse, let these my verses be disperst, throughout all
Graece, since they deserve no lesse: and since the truthe which is in them
rehearst, deserveth fame, whom no man should suppresse. They saye the cause
was, why this Timocreon was banished: the friendshippe which he had with
the Barbarous people, and for geving them intelligence. Whereof Themistocles
was one that judicially condenmed him. Wherefore when Themistocles him
selfe was accused afterwards of the same faulte, Timocreon then made these
verses following against him. Timocreon was not without his pheere, which
dyd conferre with Medes prively, Since others mo, the selfe same blame
might beare, mo foxes lurke in dennes as well as I. Besides these verses,
Themistocles owne cittizens for the ill will they bare him, were contented
to heare him ill spoken of. Therefore while he sought wayes, to redresse
all this: he was driven to use such meane, which more increased their hatred
toward him. For in his orations to the people, he dyd ofte remember them
of the good service he had done them: and perceyving howe they were offended
withall, he was driven to saye. Why, are ye weary so ofte to receyve good
by one man? Many of them were very angry with him also, when he surnamed
Diana (in the dedication of her temple he made unto her) Aristobule, as
much to saye, as the good counseller: meaning thereby, howe he had geven
grave and wise counsell, both unto his cittie, and to all the rest of the
GRECIANS. He built this temple also neere his house, in a
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-331> place called Melita, where the hangemen
doe cast the dead bodies of those that were executed, and throwe the ragges
and halters endes of those that were hanged, or otherwise put to death
by lawe. There was also in our dayes in the temple of Diana Aristobuli,
a litle image of Themistocles, which shewed plainely, that he was not only
wise, and of a noble minde, but also of a great majestie and countenaunce
in face. In the ende, the ATHENIANS banished him ATHENS for five yeres,
bicause they would plucke downe his overgreat corage and authoritie as
they dyd use to serve those, whose greatnes they thought to be more, then
common equalitie that ought to be among cittizens would beare. {democracy+}
For this manner of banishment for a time, called Ostracismon+, was no punishment
for any faulte committed, but a mitigation and taking away of the envie
of the people, which delited to plucke downe their stomaks that to much
seemed to exceede in greatnes: and by this meanes they tooke awaye the
poyson of his malice, with diminishing his glorie and honour. So Themistocles
being banished ATHENS, went to dwell in ARGOS. In this meane season, Pausanias
trecchery fell out, which gave his enemies occasion to lye heavie on his
backe. But he which became his accuser, and was partener of the treason,
was one called Leobotes (Alcmeons sonne) borne in a village called AGRAVLA.
Besides this, the SPARTANS also dyd sit on his skirtes, and charged him
sorely. For Pausanias never before revealed to Themistocles the treason
he had purposed, although he was his very familliar friende. But after
he sawe Themistocles was banished, and dyd take his exile very unpaciently:
then Pausanias was bolde to open his treason to him, to procure him to
take his parte, and shewed him the letters the king of PERSIA had written
to him, and all to sturre him up against the GRAECIANS, as against ungratefull
and unnaturall people. Howbeit
<Plut1-332> THEMISTOCLES Themistocles shooke him of, and tolde him
plainely he would be no partener of his treason. Notwithstanding, he never
revealed it to any living creature, nor discovered the practise he intended:
hoping either he would have geven it over, or that shortely it would appeare
by some other meane, considering he so fondly aspired to things of great
daunger, and without purpose or possibilitie. After Pausanias was condemned,
and had suffered paynes of death for the same: they found amongest his
papers, certaine writings and letters, which made Themistocles to be very
sore suspected. Whereupon the LACEDAEMONIANS on the one side cried out
of him: and his enemies and ill willers at ATHENS accused him on th' other
side. To the which he made aunswer by letters from the beginning, and wrote
unto the people, it was not likely that he (who sought all the wayes to
rule, and was not borne to serve, neither had any minde thereto) would
ever have thought in his heade, to sell his owne libertie, & the GRAECIANS
also unto the Barbarous people their enemies. Notwithstanding this purgation
of his, the people by the procurement of his enemies, sent to apprehende
him, and to bring him before the states of all GRAECE, to be judged by
that counsaill. Whereof Themistocles having intelligence in time, he dyd
convey him selfe into the Ile of CORPHV, bicause the citie there was greatly
beholding to him, for a certen pleasure in time paste he had done them.
For they being at sute and strife with the CORINTHIANS, he tooke up the
matter betweene them, and gave judgement on their side, and condemned the
CORINTHIANS to paye them twenty talents damages: and did set downe an order,
that they should occupie the Ile of LEVCADE in common together, as ground
that had bene inhabited with the people, aswell of the one cittie, as of
the other. From thence he fled to Epirus, whether being followed by the
ATHENIANS, and the LACEDAE-
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-333> MONIANS, he was compelled to venter him
selfe upon a doubtfull & very daungerous hope. For he went to yelde
him selfe into the hands of Admetus, king of the MOLOSSIANS. Who having
heretofore made certen requestes unto the ATHENIANS, & being shamefully
denied them by meanes of Themistocles (who then was at his chiefest height
and authoritie, the King was marvelously offended with him: and it was
a clere case in deede, that if he could then have layed handes on him,
he would have bene revenged of him throughly. Howbeit feeling the present
miserie of his exile, he thought he might lesse feare the Kings olde quarrell
and displeasure, then the freshe hate and envie of his countriemen. Whereupon
he went unto king Admetus, trusting to his mercie, and became an humble
Suter to him in a straunge extraordinarie sorte. For he tooke the Kings
litle young sonne in his armes, and went and kneeled downe before the altar
in his chappell: which humble manner of suinge the MOLOSSIANS take to be
most effectuall, and such as they dare not denie, nor refuse. Some saye
that Queene Phthia her selfe, the Kings wife, dyd enforme him of this their
country custome and manner, and brought her litle sonne also neere unto
the altar. Other write also, that it was Admetus him selfe that taught
and shewed him this inforcing manner of petition, only for a cloke to excuse
him selfe to those that should come to demaunde Themistocles of him: that
by duetie of religion he was so straightly bounde and restrained, that
he might not deliver him out of his protection. In this meane time, Epicrates
Acharnian founde the meanes secretly to convey Themistocles wife and children
out of ATHENS, and dyd send them privelie unto him: whereupon he was afterwards
accused, and put to death, upon Cimons accusation and motion, as Stesimbrotus
writeth. Who not remembring those matters I knowe not howe, or making
<Plut1-334> THEMISTOCLES as though Themistocles had not remembred
him selfe, doth saye, that Themistocles sayled into SICILE, where he sought
to mary Hierons daughter, the tyranne of SYRACVSA: promising him if he
would let him have her, he would assure him to conquer all GRECE for him,
and to bring them under his obedience. {Coriolanus+} But Hieron refusing
this offer, Themistocles went from thence into ASIA: but that is not likely.
For Theophrastus writeth in his booke intituled of Kingdomes, that Hieron
having sent certain running horses to the feast of games Olympicall, and
having set up a marvelous riche & sumptuous tent there: Themislocles
made an oration to the GRECIANS, declaring unto them how they should teare
the tyrannes tente in peces, and not to suffer his horses to ronne with
other swifte and light horses, and to cary away the price in those holy
games. Thucydides againe declareth, howe he went unto the other sea, and
imbarked in the cittie of PYDNE, being knowen of never a man in the shippe,
untill such time as the winde beganne to carie them into the Ile of NAXOS,
which the ATHENIANS by chaunce dyd besiege at that time, where being afeard
to be set on lande, he was forced to bewraye him self to the master of
the shippe, and the masters mate, and wrought them, what with fayer wordes
and what with threates (by saying he would accuse them to the ATHENIANS,
that they dyd not ignorantly receive him in, but hiered for money) so as
he compelled them to sayle on further, and to cary him into ASIA. AS for
his goodes, his friendes saved the most parte of them, and sent them into
ASIA to him. But for those that came to light, and were confiscate unto
the state: Theopompus writeth, they dyd amounte to the value of one hundred
talents. And Theophrastus sayeth, but to foure score talents only. So that
all his goodes was not worth three talents, when he beganne to goveme the
state of the common weale. When he came unto the cit-
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-335> tie of CVMA, he perceyved that all the
coastes by sea were layed for him to apprehende him, and that he had many
spyalls upon him: among the which, these were two speciall noted men, Ergoteles,
and one Pythodorus, the reward being very great, for men that sought their
gayne any waye they could. For the king of PERSIA had proclaymed by sound
of trumpet, two hundred talents to him that brought him Themistocles. Whereupon
he fled unto a litle towne of AEOLIA, called AEGES, where no living bodie
knewe him, but his host only, called Nicogenes: who was the richest man
of all the AEOLIANS, and knewe all the noble men of authoritie that were
about the king of PERSIA. Themistocles continued hidden certen dayes in
his house: in which time, on a night after the feast of a sacrifice, one
Olbius, schoolemaster to Niogenes children, by some secret working of the
goddes, sodainely fell besides him selfe, & beganne to singe these
verses out alowde. Doe thou beleeve, what so the night the tells and geve
thy voice, thy counsell and conceipts Unto the night, in darcksomnes that
dwells, thereon also thy victorie awaites. The next night following, Themistocles
being fast a sleepe in his bed, dreamed that a snake wounde it selfe round
about his bellie, and glided upwardes to his necke, untill it touched his
face, and sodainely then it became an eagle, & imbraced him with his
winges: and so at length dyd lifte him up into the ayer, & caried him
a marvelous waye of, untill he thought he sawe a golden rodde (suche as
Herauldes use to carie in their handes) whereupon the eagle dyd set him,
and so was delivered of all this feare and trouble he thought him selfe
in. The trothe was, Nico genes had this devise in his heade, howe he might
bring him safe to the king of PERSIAES courte. The Barbarous
<Plut1-336> THEMISTOCLES nations for the most parte (and specially
the PERSIANS) are of a very straunge nature, and marvelous jealous over
their women, and that not onely of their wives, but also of their bonde
women, & concubines: which they keepe so straightly locked up, that
no man ever seeth them abroade at any time, but are allwayes like housedoves
kept within doores. And when they have any occasion to goe into the country,
they are caried in close coches covered all about, that no man can looke
into them. Themistocles was conveyed into one of these coches drest after
this manner, & had warned his men to aunswer those they met by the
waye, that asked whom they caried: howe it was a young GRECIAN gentlewoman
of the countrie of IONIA, which they caried to the courte for a noble man
there. Thucydides, and Charon Lampsacenian saye, he went thither after
the death of Xerxes, and spake with his sonne there. But Ephorus, Dino,
Clitarchus, Heraclides, and many other write, that he spake with him selfe.
Yet notwithstanding it appeareth that Thucydides wordes doe best agree
with the chronicles and tables, recording the succession of times, although
they be of no great certaintie. Themistocles being come nowe to the swordes
pointe (as it were) and to the extremitie of his daunger: dyd first present
him selfe unto one Artabanus Colonell of a thousand footemen, and sayed
unto him. Syr, I am a GRECIAN borne, and desire to speake with the King:
I have matters of importance to open to his majestie, and such as I knowe
he will thanckefully+ receyve. Artabanus aunswered him in this manner.
My friend Syr straunger, the lawes and customes of men are divers, and
some take one thing for honest, others some another thing: but it is most
honesty for all men, to keepe and observe the lawes & manners of their
owne countrie. For you GRECIANS have the name to love libertie, & equalitie
above all things: and for us, amongest all the goodly lawes and
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-337> customes we have, we esteeme this above
the rest: to reverence and honour our King, as the image of the god of
nature, who keepeth all things in their perfect life and state. Wherefore,
if thou wilt facion thy selfe after our manner to honour the King, thou
mayeft both see him, and speake with him: but if thou have another minde
with thee, then must thou of necessitie use some thirde persone for thy
meane. For this is the manner of out countrie: the King never geveth audience
to any man, that hath not first honoured him. Themistocles hearing what
he sayed, aunswered him againe. My lord Artabanus, the great good will
I beare unto the King, and the desire I have to advaunce his glorie and
power, is the only cause of my present repaire unto his courte: therefore
I meane not only to obey your lawes (since it hath so pleased the goddes
to rayse up the noble empire of PERSIA unto this greatnes) but will cause
many other people also to honour the King, more then there doe at this
present. Therefore let there be no staye, but that my selfe in persone
maye deliver to the King that I have to saye unto him. Well, sayed Artabanus:
whom then shall we saye thou arte? For by thy speache it seemeth, thou
art a man of no meane state and condition. Themistocles aunswered him:
as for that Artabanus, none shall knowe before the King him selfe. Thus
doth Phanias reporte it. But Eratosthenes, in his booke he wrote of riches,
addeth further: howe Themistocles had accesse unto this Artabanus, being
recommended to the King by a woman of ERETRIA whom the King kept. Themistocles
being brought to his presence, after he had presented his humble duety
& reverence to him, stoode on his feete, and sayed never a worde, untill
the King commaunded the interpreter to aske him what he was? & he aunswered.
Maye it please your majestie, O noble King: I am Themistocles the Athenian,
a banished man out of my country by the
<Plut1-338> THEMISTOCLES GRECIANS, who humbly repayreth to your
highness knowing I have done great hurt to the PERSIANS, but I persuade
my self I have done them farre more good then harme. For I it was that
kept the GRECIANS backe they dyd not follow you, when the state of GRECE
was delivered from thraldome, and my native country from daunger, and that
I knew I stoode then in good state to pleasure you. Nowe for me, I finde
all mens good willes agreeable, to my present misery and calamitie: for
I come determined, most humbly to thancke your highness for any grace and
favour you shall shewe me, and also to crave humble pardone, if your majesty
be yet offended with me. And therfore licence me (most noble King) to beseche
you, that taking mine enemies the GRECIANS for witnesses of the pleasures
I have done the PERSIAN nation, you will of your princely grace use my
harde fortune, as a good occasion to shewe your honorable vertue, rather
then to satisfie the passion of your heate and choller. For in saving my
life, your majestie saveth an humble suter that put him selfe to your mercie:
and in putting me to death, you shall ryd away an enemy of the GRECIANS.
Having spoken thus these words, he sayed further. That the goddes, by divers
signes and tokens had procured him, to come to submit him selfe unto him,
and tolde the King what vision he had seene in his dreame in Nicogenes
house: and declared also the oracle of Jupiter Dodonian, who had commaunded
him that he should goe unto him that was called as a god, and howe he thought
it was the persone of his majestie, bicause that god and he in trothe were
called both great Kings. The King having thus heard him speake, gave him
then no present aunswer againe, notwithstanding he marvelously wondred
at his great wisedome and boldenes. But afterwardes amongest his familiars
the King sayed, he thought him selfe very happy to mete with the good for-
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-339> tune of Themistocles comming to him: and
so besought his great god Arimanius, that he would allwayes send his enemies
such mindes, as to banishe the greatest, & wisest men amongeq them.
It is reported also he did sacrifice unto the goddes, to geve them thankes
therefore, and disposed him selfe presently to be mery. Insomuch as dreaming
in the night, in the middest of his dreame he cried out three times together
for joye: I have Themistocles the Athenian. The next morning the King having
sent for the chiefest lordes of his courte, he made Themistocles also to
be brought before him: who looked for no goodnes at all, specially when
he sawe the souldiers warding at the gates geve him ill countenaunce and
language both, when they behelde him, and understoode his name. Moreover,
Roxanes, one of the captaines, as Themistocles passed by him going to the
King (who was set in his chayer of state and every man keeping silence)
softely sighing, sayed unto him: O thou Greekishe serpent, subtill and
malicious: the Kings good fortune hath brought thee hether. Nevertheles
when he came to the King, and had once againe made him a very humble and
lowe reverence: the King saluted him, and spake very curteously to him,
saying. I am nowe your detter of two hundred talents, for presenting your
self. It is good reason I should geve you the money promised him that should
have brought you: but I geve you a further warrante, be bolde I charge
you, and speake your minde freely, saye what you thinke of the state of
GRECE. Themislocles then aunswered him. That mens wordes did properly resemble
the stories and imagery in a pece of arras: for both in the one and in
the other, the goodly images of either of them are seene, when they are
unfolded and layed open. Contrariwise they appeare not, but are lost, when
they are shut up, and close folded: whereupon he sayed to the King, he
must nedes require
<Plut1-340> THEMISTOCLES some further time of aunswer. The King
liked his comparison passingly well, and willed him to appointe his owne
time. Themistocles asked a yere: in which time having pretily learned the
Persian tongue, he afterwards spake to the King him selfe without any interpreter.
So, suche as were no courtiers, thought he only talked with the King of
matters of GRECE. But bicause the chaunge and alteration of the courte
fell out great at that time, the noble men imagined he had bene so bolde
to comon with the King of them also. Thereupon they greatly envied him,
and afterwardes murmured much against him. For in deede the king dyd honour
Themistocles above all other straungers whatsoever they were. On a time
the king had him out a hunting with him, be made him see his mother, with
whom he grewe familliar: and by the kings owne commaundement he was to
heare the disputations of the wise men of PERSIA touching secret philosophies
which they call magike. Demaratus the LACEDAEMONIAN being at that time
in the courte of PERSIA, the king willing him to aske what giste he would.
He besought the king to graunt him this favour: to licence him to goe up
and down the cittie of SARDIS, with his royall hat on his head, as the
kings of PERSIA doe. Mithropaustes, the kings cosin, taking him by the
hand, sayed unto him. Demaratus, the kings hatte thou demaundest, and if
it were on thy heade, it would cover but litle wit: Naye though Jupiter
dyd geve thee his lightning in thy hande, yet that would not make thee
Jupiter. But the king gave him so sharpe a repulse for his unreasonable
request, and was so angrie with him for it, that it was thought he would
never have forgeven him: howbeit Themistocles was so earnest a Suter for
him, that he brought him into favour againe. And the reporte goeth, that
the kings successours which have bene since that time, under whom the PERSIANS
have had more
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-341> dealings with the GRECIANS, then in former
dayes: when they would retaine any great state or personage of GRECE into
their service, they wrote unto him, and promise him they would make him
greater about them, then ever was Themistocles about Xerxes. That which
is written to him, doth also confirme it. For he being stept up to great
countenaunce and authoritie, and followed with great traines of suters
after him by reason of his greatnes: seing him self one daye very honorably
served at his table, and with all sortes of daintie meates, he turned him
to his children, and sayed unto them. My sonnes, we should have bene undone,
if we had not bene undone. The most writers doe agree, that he had given
him the revenue of 3. citties for his allowance of bread, wine and vittailes:
to wit, MAGNESIA, LAMPSACVS, and MYVNTA. But Neanthes Cyzikenian, and Phanias,
doe adde two other citties more, PERCOTA, and PALESCEPSIA: the one to defraye
his charges of apparell, and the other for his lodging. Afterwards Themistocles
going into the lowe countries towards the sea, to take order against the
practises of the GRECIANS: there was a PERSIAN lord called Epixies (governour
of highe PHRYGIA) that had layed a traine to kill him (having of long time
hired certaine murderers of PISIDIA to doe it) so soone as he should come
into a towne of his government, called the Lyons head. But as he slept
on a daye in his house in the after none, the mother of the goddes appeared
unto him, and sayed, Themistocles, goe not to the Lyons heade, for feare
thou mete with the Lyon: and for this warning, I doe aske thy daughter
Mnesiptolema for my servante. Themistocles waking sodainely out of his
dreame, made his prayer unto the goddesse, and turning out of the highewaye,
fetched another compasse about. Afterwardes having passed that towne, he
tooke his lodging being benighted: but one of the beastes which caried
his tente, fell by the waye, un-
<Plut1-342> THEMISTOCLES fortunately in a river, and all his arras
and tapestry hangings being throughly wet, his servaunts were driven to
laye them out a drying by moone light. The Pisidians that laye in wayte,
and could not discerne by moone light that they were hangings layed out
to drye, thought it had bene the very tente Themistocles selfe dyd lye
in: where upon they went unto it with their swordes drawen in their handes,
hoping to have taken him sleeping. But when they were come thither, and
beganne to lifte up a pece of the hangings: some of the people of Themistocles
(which kept watche) perceyving them, ranne upon them, & tooke them.
So Themistocles having escaped this daunger, wondred greately at the favour
of the goddesse which had appeared unto him. In recompence whereof, when
he was in the cittie of MAGNESIA, he built a temple unto Dindymena, and
made his daughter Mnesiptolema prioresse of the same. AS he passed by the
cittie of SARDIS for his recreation, he went to visite the temples, and
offerings that had bene geven there. So he sawe an image of a mayden in
copper, in the temple of the mother of the goddes, being two yeardes highe,
which they called the Hydrophora: as much to saye, as the water carier.
And it was a statue, which him selfe had heretofore dedicated, and caused
to be made, with the fines of those that had payed forfeytures, for stealing
or turning awaye the water course at ATHENS, at suche time as he was master
surveyer of the water workes & conduites there. Wherfore, whether Themistocles
was sory to see this goodly image a prisoner in the handes of the Barbarous
people, or that he would showe unto the ATHENIANS the greatnes of his credit
and authoritie through all the Kings dominions: he spake to the governour
of LYDIA, and prayed him for his sake that he would send this image againe
to ATHENS. B ut this Barbarous governour was very angry with his request,
and tolde him he would ad-
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-343> vertise the King thereof. Then Themistocles
beganne to be afeard, and was driven to seeke to the governours women and
concubines, whom he got for money to intreate him, and so made fayre weather
againe with the govemour. But from thenceforth, he tooke better garde of
him selfe in all his doings, greatly fearing the envy of the Barbarous
people. For he progressed not up and downe ASIA, as Theopompus writeth,
but laye a long time in the cittie of MAGNESIA, quietly enjoying the Kings
gratious giftes bestowed on him: where he was honoured and reverenced for
one of the greatest persones of PERSIA, whilest the King was els where
occupied in the affayres of the highe provinces of ASIA, and had no leysure
to thincke upon those of GRECE. But when newes was brought him, that AEGYPT
was rebelled, by meanes of the favour and assistance of the ATHENIANS,
and that the GRECIANS gallyes dyd scowre the seas even unto the Ile of
CYPRVS, and unto the coastes of CILICIA, & that Cimon had all the sea
in subjection: that made him then to bende all his thoughts howe to resist
the GRECIANS, that their greatnes might not turne to his hurte. Then commissions
went out to leavy men, to assemble captaines, and to dispatche postes unto
Themistocles at MAGNESIA, with the Kings letters, straightly charging him
to have an eye to the GRECIANS doings, and moreover that he should faithfully
keepe his promise he had made to him. But he, to shewe that he neither
maliced his cittizens, nor was moved with the desire of greatnes and authoritie
he might have growen unto in those warres, or els for that he thought the
Kings expectation would prove to a greater matter, then he could ende or
wade through, considering GRECE was full at that time of famous captaines,
and that Cimon amongest the rest had marvelous good fortune, & that
it should be a reproche to him to stayne the glorie of so many noble actes,
so
<Plut1-344> THEMISTOCLES many triumphes, and so great victories
as Cimon had done and wonne: he tooke a wise resolution with him selfe,
to make suche an ende of his life, as the fame thereof deserved. For he
made a solemne sacrifice unto the goddes, and feasted at the same all his
friends. And, after he had taken his leave of them all, he drancke bulles
bloude, as most men thincke (or as other saye) poyson, which dispatcheth
a man in foure and twenty howers, and so ended his dayes in the cittie
of MAGNESIA, after he had lived threescore and five yeres, and the most
parte of them allwayes in office, and great charge. It is written, that
the king of PERSIA understanding the cause and manner of his deathe, dyd
more esteeme him afterwards, then he dyd before, and that ever after he
continued to use his friends and familliars in very good sorte. For he
left children behinde him which he had of Archippa (Lysanders daughter)
of the towne of ALOPECIA: Archeptolis, Polyeuctus, and Cleophantus, of
whom Plato the philosopher maketh mention, saying that he was a good man
at armes, but otherwise that there was no goodnes in him. His other sonnes
that were elder, as Neocles, dyed being bitten with a horse: and as for
Diocles another sonne, his grandfather Lysander dyd adopt him for his sonne.
He had many daughters, of the which Mnesiptolema (which he had by a seconde
wife) was maried unto her halfe brother Archeptolis, for they were not
both of one venter. An other called Italia, was maried unto one Panthides
of Chio. Sybaris, unto Nicomedes an ATHENIAN. And Nicomacha, unto Pharsicles,
Themistocles nephue: unto whom her brethem dyd mary her within the cittie
of MAGNESIA, after the death of their father. This Pharsicles dyd bring
up ASIA, which was the youngest of all his daughters. Furthermore, his
sumptuous tumbe standeth yet in the market place of MAGNESIA. But that
Andocides writeth of his bones, in a booke he made to his
THEMISTOCLES <Plut1-345> friendes is not to be credited which was:
that the ATHENIANS having founde the ashes of his bones, dyd cast them
up into the ayer, as a devise to sturre up the noble men against the people.
And Phylarchus in his historie (much like unto the fayned subtilties of
a tragedie) bringeth in I can not tell what Neocles, and Demopolis, for
Themistocles sonnes, to move the readers with compassion. Howbeit no man
is so simple, but will judge it straight a very fayning and devise. Diodorus
the cosmographer also, in a booke he hath written of tumbes and monuments
sayeth, by conjecture, rather then of any certen knowledge: that alongest
the haven of PIRAEA coming towardes the head of Alcimus, there is a forelande
in forme of an elbowe, within the which when they have doubled the pointe,
the sea is allwayes calme, and there they finde a great and long foundation
or base, upon the which there is as it were the forme of an altar, and
that is (sayeth he) Themistocles tumbe. And he supposeth that Plato the
comicall poet doth witnesse it in these verses: Thy grave is set and plast,
comodiously, where passengers and merchants that come by maye visite thee,
and where it maye regarde, all such as seeke that porte to he their warde.
Somtimes also, it maye rejoyce to see, the bloody fights, upon the sea
that be. And furthermore, those of MAGNESIA dyd institute certen honours
unto the issue of Themistocles, which continew yet unto this daye. And
in my time, another Themistocles also of ATHENS dyd enjoy the same honours,
with whom I was familliarly conversante in the house of Ammonius the philosopher.
The ende of Themistocles Iife.
The Life of Furius Camillus+ Amongest many great matters which are
spoken of Furius Camillus, this seemeth most straunge and wonderful above
the rest. That he having borne the chiefest offices of charge in his countrie,s
and having done many notable and worthy deedes in the same: as one that
was chosen five times Dictator, and had triumphed foure times, and had
wonne him selfe the name and title of the seconde founder of ROME, and
yet never came to be Consul. But the only cause thereof was, that the common
weale of ROME stoode then in such state and sorte. The people were then
at dissention with the Senate. They would chuse no more Consuls, but other
kynde of governours whom they called Tribuni militares: these dyd all things
with like power and authoritie as the <Plut1-346>
CAMILLVS <Plut1-347> Consuls, yet were they nothing so odious unto
the people, by reason of the number that was of them. For it was some hope
to them that could ill beare the rule of the small number of nobilitie,
that the government of the state being put into sixe, and not into two
officers hands, their rule would be the easier, & tollerabler. Nowe
Camillus being at that time in his best credit and authoritie, and in the
prime and glorie of his doings, dyd not desire to be made Consul without
the goodwill of the people, although whilest he was in authoritie, there
were many times Consuls created. But to all other offices and dignities,
he was called, and chosen. He behaved him selfe in such sorte, that when
he was alone, he made his authoritie comon to other: and when he had companions
and associates, the glorie of all redounded to him self alone. The cause
whereof, was his modestie+ on the one side, for he commaunded ever without
envie: and his great wisedome and sufficiencie on the other side, for the
which all others willingly gave him place, and yelded to him. The house
of the Furians being at that time of no great fame, he was the first that
beganne to set him self forwards. For in a great battel which was fought
against the AEques and Volsces, he being but a private man at armes under
the Dictator Posthumius Tubertus, was the first that riding out of the
army advaunced him selfe, and gave the charge. And being ronne into the
thighe {Sidney+} at that time with a staffe broken upon his thighe, he
plucked the trunchen out, and retired not for all that: but geving charge
againe upon the stowtest of the enemies, he fought it out so valliantly
to the encoraging of other, that he was the chief cause they turned their
backes. Whereupon, to requite his service done at that time (besides other
honours they dyd him) they made him Censor: an office at that time of great
preheminence and dignitie. In his office of Censorshippe, he dyd two notable
acts. The one very honest+:
<Plut1-348> CAMILLVS when he brought men that were not maried, to
marie the women whom the warres had left widows, which were in number many.
To this he got them partly by persuasion, and partly by threatnings, to
set round fines upon their heads that refused. The other very necessary:
in that he brought the orphanes to be contributories, unto taxes, and subsidies,
which before payed nothing. The cause thereof was, the continuall warres,
about the which the common weale susteined great charges: but specially
about the siege of the citie of the VEIANS (which some call VENETANIANS)
that was a very sore burden to them at that time. For it was the capitall
cittie of all THUSCAN, the which for store of armour, and number of souldiers,
was nothing inferiour unto the cittie of Rome. For the VEIANS being growen
to stomake and corage in time, by reason of their wealth and prosperitie,
and for the sundry great battells they had fought against the ROMAINES,
that contended with them for glory+ and empire: now it fell so out, that
they finding them selves weakened by many great overthrowes, which they
had receyved of the ROMAINES, they did let fall their former peacokes bravery,
{Hotspur+} and ambitions to byd them battell any more in the fielde. Howbeit
the inhabitants of the citde of VEIES having raised the walles, and made
very great high rampers, beganne to fortifie them selves, and made good
provision for armour and munition, besides store of corne, shotte, &
other necessary things: they valliantly, and without feare of any thing,
defended the siege of the ROMAINES, that continued long time, and was no
lesse hard and painefull unto them that did besiege, then it was unto those
that were besieged. For where the ROMAINES were wont before time to keepe
their houses in the winter season, and the field only in the sommer time:
that was the first time they were compelled by the captaines and Tribuni
militares, to buylde fortes, and to in-
CAMILLVS <Plut1-349> trenche their campe with a wall, even in their
enemies countrie, and to winter abroade as they were wont to lye in the
campe in sommer. Nowe this siege had continued seven whole yeres together.
The captaines were burdened that they dyd not their dueties, not stoode
manfully to their charge: whereupon in the end they were discharged, and
other captaines placed in their roomes to followe the siege. Among those,
Camillus was one whom then the seconde time they created Tribunus militaris.
Who notwithstanding dyd nothing then in that siege, bicause it was his
happe by lot, to make warres upon the PHALERIANS, and the CAPENATES. These
people whilest the ROMAINES were occupied other where, had invaded their
countrie, and done them great harme, during the time of their warre with
the THVSCANS. But Camillus having overthrowen a great number of them in
the fielde, had the rest in chase, and drave them to take their cittie,
and dyd shut them up within their owne walles. The chaunce that happened
at the lake of ALBANVS, about the time the THVSCAN warres were greatest,
dyd marvelously amate the ROMAINES beingno lesse wounderfull, then the
most straunge and uncrediblest thing that could be tolde by man. For they
could not finde out the cause of it by common reason, nor any naturall
grounde: considering it was in the later end of Autunme and sommer was
ended, and that there had not bene much rayne, nor notable sowthe winds.
And although there are many lakes many brooks & rivers many springs,
and other waters in ITALIE: yet some of them dried up altogether, other
ranne but faintely by reason of the drought, & all the rivers then
were (as they are wont to be commonly in sommer) very lowe, and there was
scante any water. But the lake ALBANVS contrariwise, that cometh from no
other place, neither runneth any whether out of him selfe, being environned
all about with hilles
<Plut1-350> CAMILLVS and mountaines, and where the earthe is good:
beganne to swell, and rise to every mans sight, without any cause at all
(but secret and hidden unto the goddes alone) and went allwayes increasing
alongest those hilles sides, untill suche time as it came to be even with
the height of the highest mountains, gathering upwardes still without any
waves or tempest of weather at all. This at the first, made poor shepeheardes
and heardemen, keeping their cattell thereaboutes, marvelously affrayed.
But at the lengthe when the earthe and weight of one of the hilles (which
kepte in the lake as a walle, from running over into the felde) beganne
to breake by reason of the waight, and great quantitie of water, that ranne
straight with a marvelous extreme force and violence over all the arrable
landes and groundes planted with trees, and so tooke his course into the
sea: the ROMAINES then not alone, but the whole inhabitants of ITALY were
wounderfully affrayed, and judged that it was some signe and prognostication
of some wounderfull thing to come. And there was no other newes currante
in the campe, which laye at siege of the cittie of VEIES: insomuch as the
very brute of it flewe over the walles of the cittie, unto them that were
besieged. And as it happeneth very ofte in long sieges, that those which
lye in campe doe oftentimes talke with them that are besieged: there was
a ROMAINE who fell acquainted, and commonly used to talke familiarly with
one of the cittie, who could tell of many olde & straunge things done
and happened, and was very, skillfull above any other in the cittie, in
the arte of divination, or soothesaying. The ROMAINE then tolde him one
daye the violent breaking out of the lake ALBANVS, and perceyving that
the other after he had heard him, was as mery as a pye at the matter, and
that he gibed at their siege: he tolde him further, that this wounderfull
chaunce was not only happened unto the ROMAINES at that time, but that
CAMILLVS <Plut1-351> they had bene acquainted with many other farre
more straunge then this, which he would very willingly open unto him, to
see if there were any remedy, that though the affaires of the common weale
had but harde successe, yet he would procure that his owne private matters
might prosper well with him. The VEIAN aunswered him, he would heare them
with a goodwill, and gave good eare unto him, hoping to have heard some
great secret. So the ROMAINE training him on still from one matter to another,
holding on his waye, untill he sawe he was a good distance of from the
gates of the cittie, he sodainely cought holde on him, and by strong hand
caried him awaye with him, and with helpe of other souldiers which came
ronning out of the campe unto him, he brought him to the captaines. The
VEIAN seeing him self thus forciblie used, and knowing also that fatall
desteny cannot be avoyded, beganne to declare unto the ROMAINES, the auncient
oracles and prophecies touching the fortune of their cittie: by which it
was reported unto them, that the cittie of VEIES should never be taken,
untill the enemie had caused the water of the lake ALBANVS (which should
breake out) to be brought backe againe, and to turne it some other waye
from thence, that it should not fall into the sea. This was caried unto
the Senate at ROME, to be consulted of in counsail: and there it was determined
they should send to the orade of Apollo, at the cittie of DELPHES, and
aske him what they should doe therein. So thithe rwere sent great and notable
men, Cossus Licinius, Valerius Politus, and Fabius Ambustus: who having
ended their jorney by sea, and receyved aunswer of that they demaunded,
returned home againe, and amongest other oracles they brought one that
sayed thus. That through negligence they had omitted some auncient ceremonies
in the holy dayes of the Latines. And another willed them, that they should
by all possible meanes they
<Plut1-352> CAMILLVS could, keepe the water of the lake ALBANVS
that it fell not into the sea, and should (if it were possible) bring it
backe againe into his old place: if not, that yet they should cut as many
trenches and ditches as might be, that it might be droncke up in the middest
of the fields. When these oracles were understanded, the priests prepared
all things for divine service, and the people went about the water of the
lake to turne it againe. After these things were done, the Senate in the
tenth yere of the warres againist the VEIANS, put of all those which dyd
beare office, and created Camillus Dictator, who named for generall of
the horse men, Cornelius Scipio. And before he went in hande with any thing,
he made a vowe unto the goddes, that if it pleased them to graunte a happy
ende of these warres, in honour of them he would celebrate great playes,
and buyld a temple unto the goddesse which the ROMAINES call Matuta: which
seemeth to be her whom we call Leucothea, considering the ceremonies done
in these sacrifices. For they cause a chamber mayde to enter into her temple,
and there they boxe her about the eares. Then they put her out of the temple,
and doe embrace their brothers children rather then their owne. They make
many other ceremonies, and they are much like unto those that are done
unto Bacchus nurces, and to the misfortunes that chaunced unto Ino, by
reason of her hushands concubine. After all these vowes and prayers made,
he entred with his army into the FALISSIANS territories, whom he overthrewe
in a great battell, together with the CAPENATES also, which came to ayde
them. From thence he went to the siege of the cittie of VEIES, where perceiving
to take it by assaulte, was not to be wonne without great daunger: he beganne
to undermine it (finding the earth all about very minable) and with all
so deepe, that the enemies could perceyve nothing. Nowe when this mining
fell out according to his good hope, he
CAMILLVS <Plut1-353> gave an assaulte to the walles in all places
alike about the cittie at one instante, to bring out all the inhabitants
of the cittie to man the walles. Whilest they were all thus upon the walles
to make defence: Camillus souldiers entred secretly through the mines within
the castell, harde by the temple of Juno: which was the chiefe Churche
of all the cittie, and whereunto the cittizens had most devotion. They
saye that even at that present time the generall of the THUSCANS dyd sacrifice
unto the goddes, and that his soothesayer having considered the intrells
of the beastes offered up in sacrifice, cried out alowde, that the goddes
gave the victorie unto him, which should happen to come upon them in this
sacrifice. The ROMAINES which were within the mine hearing this, brake
the earth incontinently, and leaped out, crying, and making noyse with
their weapons: wherewith the enemies were so astonied, that they fled upon
it, & so the ROMAINES tooke the intrells, & caried them unto Camillus.
And these be even much like the Poets tales & fables. Howbeit Camillus
having by this meanes taken the cittec, & seeing from the toppe of
the castell the infinite goodes & riches within the cittle, which the
souldiers spoyled & made havoke of, he wept for very pittie. And when
those that were about him tolde him he was a happy man: he lift up his
handes unto heaven, & made this prayer. O mightic god Iupiter, and
you O goddes, which see and judge mens good and ill worckes: you knowe
right well, that we have not willingly (without wrong & cause offered
us) begonne this warre, but justly, {just_war+} and by compulsion, to be
revenged of a cittie our enemie, which hath done us great injuries. But
if to contervayle this our great good prosperitie, and victorie, some bitter
adversitie and overthrowe be pre- destined unto us: I beseeche you then
(most mercifull goddes) in sparing our cittie of ROME, and this her army,
you will (with as litle hurte as maye be) let it all fall and
<Plut1-354> CAMILLVS light upon my persone alone. And as he had
spoken these wordes, and was turning on his right hande (according to the
manner of the ROMAINES after they have prayed unto the goddes) he fell
downe flat before them all. The standers by taking this fall for an ill
token, were somwhat troubled with the matter: but after he got up on his
feete againe, he tolde them that the thing he requested of the goddes was
happened unto him. And that was, a litle hurte, in exchaunge of a great
good fortune. So the whole cittie being spoyled and rifled, he was also
desirous to carie Junos image to ROME, to accomplishe the vowe he had made.
And having sent for worckemen for this purpose, he dyd sacrifice first
unto the goddesse, beseching her to accept well of the ROMAINES good will,
and that she would willingly vowchesafe to come and dwell with the other
goddes, who had the protection of the cittie of ROME. Some saye, that the
image aunswered, she was contented. But Livius writeth that Camillus made
this prayer, as he touched the image, and that the assistants aunswered
she was contented, and would goe with a goodwill. Yet they which doe affirme,
it was the image selfe that spake, doe favour this miracle, grounding their
proofe upon the opinion of the fortune of ROME: the which, from so base
and meane beginning had impossibly attained unto so highe glorie and power
as it had, without the singular favour of the goddes, and that hath manifestly
appeared unto the world, by sundry great proofes and examples. They bring
forth also such other like wonders. AS, that images have heretofore let
fall droppes of swet from them: that they have bene heard to sighe: that
they have turned: and that they have made certen signes with their eyes,
as we finde written in many auncient stories. And we could our selves also
tell such like wonders, which we have heard men of our time affirme which
are not uncredible, not lightly to be condemned. But for
CAMILLVS <Plut1-355> such matters, it is as daungerous to geve to
much credit to them, as also to discredit them to much, by reason of the
weaknes of mans nature, which hath no certen boundes, nor can rule it self,
but ronneth somtimes after vanitie and superstition, and otherwhile also
dispiseth and contemneth holy and divine matters: and therefore the meane
is the vertue, and not to goe to farre in this, as in all other things
besides, it is the best. Nowe Camillus, whether his late enterprise performed,
in winning a cittie that stoode out with ROME, and helde siege with them
tenne yeres together, had put him into an overwening or conceipt of him
selfe: or that the wordes of the people, which dyd blesse and prayse him,
had made him looke highe, and presume upon him selfe, more then became
the modestie of a civill magistrate, and governour of the common weale,
and one that was subject to the lawe: he shewed a stately triumphe, set
forth with all riche furniture, and specially for that him self was caried
through ROME upon his triumphant charret drawen with foure fayer white
coursers. This, never captaine nor generall before him durst undertake
to doe, neither any ever after him attempted it: for they thinke it is
a sacred cariage, and only mete for the King, and father of the goddes.
This bred him much envy amongst the cittizens, which had not bene acquainted
with so great statelynes. There was another occasion also that made them
mislike him much: which was, bicause he stood against the lawe put forth
that they should devide the cittie of ROME. For the Tribunes of the people
dyd set out an Edict, that the Senate and people of ROME should be devided
into two partes: and that those on whom the lotte should fall, should abide
still in ROME, and the other should goe dwell in the newe wonne cittie
of VEIES. These were the reasons to persuade this: that both the one and
the other sorte should be richer then they were before, and
<Plut1-356> CAMILLVS should more easely keepe their lands and goodes
from the invasion of their enemies, by meanes of these two great citties.
The people which were multiplied nowe into great numbers, and had served
duetifully and daungerously, thought it the best waye in the worlde. Therefore
they still cried out, and thronged with great tumulte, about their pulpit
for orations, praying that this lawe might be put unto the voyces of the
people. But the whole Senate, and wisest cittizens among them, judging
this motion of the Tribunes would be the destrudion, and not the division
of the cittie of ROME: could in no wise abide it should goe any further.
Whereupon they went and prayed Camillus helpe: who fearing to bring it
to the pointe, whether the lawe should passe or no, dyd allwayes seeke
new occasions and letts, still to delaye and put of the matter, and staye
the confirmation of this lawe. For these causes, he was hated of the common
people. But the originall and apparant cause of the peoples ill will towards
him, was for taking from them the tenth parte of their spoyles: and it
was not altogether without some reason, and to saye truely the people dyd
him much wrong to beare him such malice for that. For before he went to
the cittie of VEIES, he made a solenine vowe to offer the tenth parte unto
the goddes, of the spoyles of the cittie, if he wanne the same. But when
it was taken and sacked, whether it was that he was lothe to trouble the
cittizens, or having a worlde of busines in his head, that he easely forgate
his vowe: he suffered the souldiers to devide the spoyle amongest them,
and to take the benefit to them selves. Shortely after he was discharged
of his charge, he dyd enforme the Senate of his vowe. Furthermore, the
soothesayers made reporte at that very time, howe they knew by certaine
signes and tokens of their sacrifices, that the goddes were offended for
somwhat, and howe they must of necessitie be pacified againe. Where-
CAMILLVS <Plut1-357> upon the Senate presently made an order, where
it was unpossible every man should bring in againe the selfe same things
he had gotten, to make a newe division of every mans share: that every
one therefore upon his othe should present the tenthe parte of his gaynes
he had gotten by that bootie. There was great trouble about it. They were
driven to use great extremitie to the poor souldiers (which had traveled
sore, and taken great paynes in the warres) to make them to restore backe
such a coloppe out of their gaine, and the rather bicause many of them
had already spent it every penney: and for this trouble, they all cried
out with open mouth against Camillus. But he being set up, and not knowing
otherwise howe to excuse him selfe, was forced to bring forth as cold and
as unreasonable an excuse as he could make, which was: forsoothe he had
forgotten his vowe he had made. The people notwithstanding were eger still
against him, saying: howe he had vowed then to offer the tenth parte of
the enemies goodes to the goddes, and that nowe he would performe it with
the tenthes of the cittizens goodes. Nevertheles, every man having brought
that he should for his parte: it was thought good they should cause a massie
cuppe of golde to be made, to send to the temple of Apollo at DELPHES.
And small store of golde being in the cittie of ROME, as the officers of
the cittie were serching up and downe to get it: the women of ROME of their
owne voluntary willes without motion, agreed among them selves, that they
would departe with all the juells they had, towardes the making up of this
offering, which came to the weight of eight talents. In recompence whereof,
to honour them withall: the Senate ordeined that they should be praysed
openly with funerall orations at their buriall, as they dyd use at honorable
and noble mens obsequies. For before that lawe, it was not the manner to
prayse women openly at their funeralles. Nowe there
<Plut1-358> CAMILLVS were appointed three of the noblest men of
the cittie to to go to carie this offering, and they sent them out in a
galley well manned, stored also with good mariners, and trimly set forth
in a triumphing manner; howbeit both in storme , and calme weather, they
were in daunger of their lives. For after that they had scaped drowning
very narrowly by tempest, when the winde was downe againe, they fell into
another daunger, which they escaped also beyond all hope. For harde by
the Iles of AEOLVS, the gallyes of the LIPARIANS fell upon them, as if
they had bene rovers. Butwhen the LIPARIANS sawe they made no resistance,
and entreated them, holding up their hands: they gave no further charge
upon them, but only fastened their gallye unto theirs. So then they bad
haled them to the shore, they declared they were pirates, and offered to
make porte sale of the men and goodes, as if they had bene a lawfull prise:
& had solde them in deede, had not the wisedome and authoritie of Timesitheus
letted them, who was governour at that time of the cittie, and had great
a doe to persuade them to let them goe. And he dyd not so leave them, but
sent out certaine of his owne shippes to accompanie them in their jorney,
who dyd helpe them to goe and performe their offering. For which curtesie
of his, the ROMAINES afterwardes dyd him great honout at ROME, according
to his well deserving. The Tribunes of the people beganne nowe to set a
foote againe the lawe for the deviding of the inhabitans of ROME unto the
cittie of VEIES. But the warres of the FALISCES fell out happely at that
time, wherby the noble men dyd choose such officers as they would. So they
chose Camillus, Tribunus militaris of the souldiers, and five other to
assiste him, the service in that case requiring a generall, that caried
both authoritie and reputation among them, as an olde experienced souldier
in the warres. When the people had confirmed the election, Camillus immediatly
CAMILLVS <Plut1-359> entred the territories of the FALISCES with
the ROMAINES armie, where he layed siege unto the cittie of the FALERIANS,
being very well fortified, vitteled and stored, with all other munition
of warre. Knowing therefore that it was no small attempt to winne this
cittie, and that it would not be done in a shorte time: he pollitikely
sought (whatsoever came of it) to keepe his countrimen occupied about some
thing, and to staye them for going home, least by repayring to ROME, they
should have many occasions to rebell, and raise some civill dissention.
For the ROMAINES dyd wisely use this remedie: to disperse abroade like
good phisicians, the humours which troubled the quiet state of their common
weale at home. {Hal+} But the FALERIANS trusting in the situation of their
cittie, which was very strong in all partes, made so litle accompt of the
siege: that those which kept not watche upon the walles, walked up and
downe in their gownes in the cittie, without any weapon about them, and
their children went to schoole, the schoolemaster also would commonly leade
them abroade out of the cittie a walking, to playe and passe the time by
the towne walles. For the whole cittie had one common schoolemaster, as
the GRECIANS also have, which doe bring up their children from litle ones
in company together, bicause one maye be familiarly acquainted with an
other. This schoolemaster spying his time to doe the FALERIANS a shrewd
turne, dyd accustomably take all his scholers out of the cittie with him,
to playe, not farre from the walles at the beginning, and afterwards brought
them into the cittie againe, after they had played their fill. Now after
he had led them abroade thus once or twise, he trayned them out every daye
a litle further, to make them to be bolde, persuading them there was no
daunger. But at the length, one daye having gotten all the cittizens children
with him, he led them within the watche of the ROMAI-
<Plut1-360> CAMILLVS ES campe and there delivered all his scholers
into their handes and prayed them they would bring him unto their generall.
So they did. And when he came before Camillus, he beganne to tell him that
he was schoolemaster unto all these children, nevertheles that he dyd more
esteeme to have his grace and favour, then regarde his office he had by
this name and title. Camillus hearing what he sayed, and beholding his
threacherous parte, he sayed to those that were about him. Warre of it
selfe surely is an evill thing, for in warres many injuries and mischieves
are done: nevertheles among good men there is a law and discipline, which
doth forbid them to seeke victorie by wicked & traiterous meanes, and
that a noble and worthie generall should make warre, and procure victorie,
by trusting to his own valliantnes, and not by anothers vilenes & villanie.
{fairness+} {generosity+} Therefore he commaunded his sergeants to teare
the clothes of the backe of this vile schoolemaster, and to binde his hands
behinde him: and that they should geve the children roddes & whippes
in their handes, to whippe the traitour backe againe into the cittie, that
had thus betrayed them, and grieved their parents. Now when the FALERIANS
heard newes that the schoolemaster had thus betrayed them, all the cittie
fell aweeping (as every man maye thinke for so great a losse) and men and
women ranne together one in anothers necke, to the town walles, and gates
of the cittie, like people out of their wittes, they were so troubled.
When they came thither, they saw their children bringing their schoolemaster
backe againe, starcke naked and bownde, whipping of him, and calling Camillus
their father, their god, and their saviour: so that not only the fathers
and mothers of the children, but all other the cittizens also in generall,
dyd conceyve in them selves a wonderfull admiration and great love, of
the wisedome, goodness and justice of Camillus. So that even presently
CAMILLVS <Plut1-361> they called a counsaill, and there it was concluded
they should send ambassadours forthwith unto him, to put their lives and
goodes to his mercy and favour. Camillus sent their ambassadours unto ROME,
where audience being geven unto them by the Senate, the ambassadours sayed.
Bicause the ROMAINES preferred justice+ above victorie, they taught them
to be better contented to submit them selves unto them, then to be their
own men at libertie: confessing their vertue dyd more overcome them, then
any force or power could doe. The Senate dispatched letters unto Camillus,
giving him commission to doe and determine as he thought good. So he having
taken a certen summe of money of the FALERIANS, dyd furthermore make peace
and league with all the rest of the FALISCES: and thereupon returned backe
againe to ROME. But the souldiers grudged marvelously at it. For they stoode
in hope to have had the sacking of the cittie. When there was no remedie,
but they must needes returne home emptie handed, they beganne to accuse
Camillus to the rest of the cittizens, as sone as they came to ROME, saying:
he loved not the common people, and howe for spite he disapointed their
army of the spoyle. On the other side, the Tribunes of the people beganne
to revive the lawe, for the deviding of the inhabitants of ROME, and were
ready to passe it by the voyces of the people. Camillus not fearing the
ill will of the commons, dyd boldely speake, and doe in open presence,
all he could against it. So that plainely he was the chiefest cause, that
the people against their willes (intreate what they could) were driven
to {Coriolanus+} let it alone. But withall they were so spitefull against
him, that notwithstanding his sorowe & misfortune for the death of
his sonne (dying of a sickenes) was great: they would not of malice once
take pittie or compassion of him. The losse whereof (albeit he was of a
very good and curteous nature) was so grievous, and
<Plut1-362> CAMILLVS made him so unquiet: that being accused before
the people, he sturred not once out of his house, but was locked up with
the women, which lamented for his sonne departed. He that dyd accuse him,
was one Lucius Apuleius, burdening him that he had stolen and taken awaye,
parte of the spoyle of the THVSCANS: & sayed, they had seene certen
brasen gates at his house, which had bene brought out of THVSCAN. Nowe
the people were so maliciously bent against him, that every man might see,
if they could once take him in a trippe, upon any advantage whatsoever,
they would douteles have condemned him. Wherefore calling together his
friendes and souldiers that had served under him in the warres, or that
had taken charge with him, which were many in number: he carnestly besought
them, that they would not suffer him thus vilely to be condemned, through
false and unjust accusations layed against him, nor to be so scorned and
defamed by his enemies. His friends having layed their heades together,
and consulted thereupon, made him aunswer: howe for his judgment they could
not remedy it, but if he were condemned, they would all joyne together
with a very goodwill, to helpe to paye his fine. But he being of minde
not to beare such an open shame and ignominie, determined in choller to
leave the cittie, and to exile him selfe from it. And after he had taken
his leave of his wife and children, bidding them farewell: he went out
of his house to the gates of the cittie, and sayed never a word. When he
came thither, he stayed sodainely, and returning backe againe, he lift
up his hands towards the Capitoll, and made his prayers unto the godds:
that if it were of very spight and malice, and not of just deserving, that
the common people compelled him thus shamefully to forsake the cittie,
that the ROMAINES might quickely repente them, and in the face of the worlde
might wishe for him, and have nede of him. After he had made these
CAMILLVS <Plut1-363> prayers against the cittizens (as Achilles+
dyd against the GRECIANS) he went his way and was condemned for his contempte,
in the summe of fifteene thousand Asses of the ROMAINE coyne, which make
of Greekishe money, a thousand five hundred Drachmas of silver: for an
AS was a litle pece of money, wherof tenne of them made a ROMAINE penney.
Howbeit there was not a ROMAINE of any understanding, but beleeved certenly
that some great punishment would follow them incontinently, and that the
wrong and injurie they had done him would be quickely requited, with some
most sharpe and terrible revenge, not only unpleasaunt to thinke upon,
but further more, notable to be spoken of through the world. There fell
out so sodainely upon it, such mischief toward the cittie of ROME, and
the present time also brought forth such occasion of daunger and destruction
thereof, to their shame & infamie: that it was uncertaine whether it
happened by chaunce, or els it was the handie worcke of some god, that
would not suffer vertue recompenced with ingratitude, to passe unrevenged.
Their first token that threatned some great mischief to light upon them,
was the death of Iulius, one of the Censors: for the RoMAINES doe greately
reverence the office of a Censor, and esteeme it as a sacred place. The
seconde token that happened a litle before Camillus exile, was: that one
Marcus Caditius, a man but of meane qualities and none of the Senatours
(but otherwise a fayer conditioned honest man, and of good conscience)
tolde the Tribuni militares of a thing that was to be well considered of.
For he sayed that the night before, as he was going on his waye in the
newe streete, he heard one call him alowde: and returning backe to see
what it was, he sawe no living creature, but only heard a voyce bigger
then a mans, which sayed unto him. Marcus Caditius, goe thy waye to morrowe
morning to the Tribuni militares, and byd them looke
<Plut1-364> CAMILLVS quickely for the GAVLES. The Tribunes were
mery at the matter, and made but a jeast at his warning, and straight after
followed the condemnation of Camillus. Nowe as touching the GAVLES. They
came (as they saye) of the CELTAE whose country not being able to mainteine
the multitudes of them, they were driven to goe seeke other countryes to
inhabite in: and there were amongest them many thousands of young men of
service and good souldiers, but yet more women and litle children by a
great number. Of these people, some of them went towards the north sea,
passing the mountaines RIPHEI, and dyd dwell in the extreme partes of EVROPE.
Other of them remained betwene the mountaines PIRENEI,and the greatest
mounta;nes of the ALPES, neere unto the SENONES, and the CELTORII. There
they continued a long time untill they fortuned in the ende to taste of
the wine, which was first brought Out of ITALIE unto them. Which drinke
they found so good, and were so delited with it, that sodainely they armed
themselves: and taking their wives and children with them, they went directly
towards the ALPES, to goe seeke out the country that brought forth such
fruite, judging all other countries in respest of that, to be but wild
and barren. It is sayed, that the first man which brought wine unto them,
and that dyd procure them to passe into ITALIE, was a noble man of THVSCAN
called Arron, and otherwise of no ill disposed nature: howbeit he was subject
to this misfortune following. He was tutor unto an orphan childe, the richest
that was at that time in all the countrie of THVSCAN, and of complexion
was wonderfull fayer: he was caeed Lucumo. This orphan was brought up in
Arrons house of a childe, and though he was growen to mans state, yet he
would not goe from him fayning he was so well, and to his liking. But in
deede the cause was, that he loved his maistres (Arrons wife) whom secretly
he had enjoyed a long time,
CAMILLVS <Plut1-365> and she him, that made him like his continuance
there. Howbeit in the ende, love having so possessed them both, that neither
parte could withdrawe from other, much lesse culler that they had long
enjoyed: the young man stole her away from him, and kept her still by force.
Arron put him in sute, but he prevayled not: for Lucumo overweyed him with
friends, money, giftes, and charges. But he tooke it so grevously, that
he left his country: and having heard talke of the GAVLES, he went unto
them, and was their guide to bring them into ITALIE. So they conquered
at their first coming all that country which the THVSCANS helde in olde
time, beginning at the foote of the mountaines, and stretched out in length
from one sea unto the other which environneth ITALIE, as the names them
selves doe witnesse. For they call yet that sea which looketh unto the
northe, the Adriatick sea: by reason of a cittie built sometime by the
THVSCANS, which was called ADRIA. The other, which lieth directly over
agpinst the South, is called the THVSCAN sea. All that countrie is well
planted with trees, and hath goodly pleasaunt pastures for beastes and
cattell to feede in, and is notably watered with goodly ronning rivers.
There was also at that time eighteene fayer great citties in that country,
all of them very strong and well seated, aswell for to enriche the inhabitants
thereof by traffike, as to make them to live delicately for pleasure. All
these citties the GAVLES had wonne, and had expulsed the THVSCANS, but
this was done long time before. Now the GAVLES being further entred into
THVSCAN, dyd besiege the cittie of CLVSIVM. Thereupon the CLVSIANS seeking
ayde os the ROMAINES besought them they would send letters & ambassadours
unto these barbarous people in their favour. They sent unto them three
of the best and most honorable persones of the cittie, all three of the
house of the Fabians. The GAVLES receyved them
<Plut1-366> CAMILLVS very curteously, bicause of the name of ROME:
and leaving to assaulte the cittie, they gave them audience. The ROMAINE
ambassadours dyd aske them, what injurie the CLVSIANS had done unto them,
that they came to make warres with them. Brennus king of the GAVLES hearing
this question, smiled, and aunswered them thus. The CLVSIANS doe us wrong
in this: they being but fewe people together, and not able to occupie much
lande, doe notwithstanding possesse much, and will let us have no parte
with them, that are straungers, and out of our country, and stande in neede
of seate and habitation. The like wrong was offered unto you ROMAINES in
old time, by those of ALBA, by the FIDENATES, and the ARDEATES: and not
long sithence, by the VEIANS, and the CAPENATES: and partly by the FALISCES
and the VOLSCES: against whom ye have taken, and doe take armes, at all
times. And as ofte as they will let ye have no parte of their goods, ye
imprison their persones, robbe & spoyle their goodes, and distroye
their citties. And in doing this, ye doe them no wrong at all, but followe
the oldest lawe that is in the worlde, which ever leaveth unto the stronger,
that which the weaker can not keepe and enjoye. Beginning with the goddes,
and ending with beastes: the which have this propertie in nature, that
the bigger and stronger have ever the vauntage of the weaker and lesser.
Therefore, leave your pittie to see the CLVSIANS besieged, least you teache
us GAVLFS to take compassion also of those you have oppressed. By this
aunswer the ROMAINES knewe very wel there was no waye to make peace with
king Brennus. Wherefore they entred into the cittie of CLVSIVM, and incoraged
the inhabitants to salye out with them upon these barbarous people: either
bicause they had a desire to prove the valliantnes of the GAVLES, or els
to shewe their owne corage and manhoode. So the cittizens went out, and
skirmished
CAMILLVS <Plut1-367> with them harde by the walles: in the which
one of the Fabians, called Quintus Fabius Ambustus, being excellently well
horsed, and putting spurres to him, dyd set upon a goodly bigge personage
of the GAVLES, that had advaunced him selfe farre before all the troupe
of his companions. He was not knowen at the first encounter, as well for
the sodaine meeting and skirmishing together, as for that his glistering
armour dimmed the eyes of the enemies. But after he had slaine the GAVLE,
and came to strippe him: Brennus then knewe him, and protested against
him, calling the goddes to witnesse, howe he had broken the lawe of armes,
that coming as an ambassadour+, he had taken upon him the forme of an enemie.
Hereupon Brennus forthwith left skirmishing, and raising the seige from
CLVSIVM, marched with his army unto ROME gates. And to the ende the ROMAINES
might knowe, that the GAVLES were not well pleased for the injurie they
had receyved: to have an honest culler to beginne warres with the ROMAINFS,
he sent an Herauld before to ROME, to demaunde liverie of the man that
had offended him, that he might punish him accordingly. In the meane time,
he him selfe came marching after, by small journeys to receyve their aunswer.
The Senate hereupon assembled, and many of the Senatours blamed the rashnes
of the Fabians: but most of all, the priests called Faeciales. For they
followed it very earnestly, as a matter that concerned religion, and the
honour of the godds: declaring how the Senate, in discharge of all the
residue of the cittie of the offence committed, should laye the whole waight
and burden of it upon him alone, that only had done the facte. Numa Pompilius+,
the justest and most peaceable of all the kings of ROME that had bene,
was he that first erected the colledge of these Faeciales, and dyd ordeine
that they should be the keepers of peace, and the judges to heare and allowe
all the causes, for the which
<Plut1-368> CAMILLVS they should justely beginne any warres. Nevertheles,
the Senate in the ende turned over the ordering of the matter, unto the
whole will and judgment of the people, before whom these priestes Faeciales
dyd also accuse Fabius Ambustus. The people made so litle accompt of their
propounded religion, and honour of the godds in that case: that in stede
of delivering of this Fabius unto the enemy they dyd choose him for one
of the Tribunes of the soldiers with his brothers. The GAVLES understanding
this, were so furious and angrie thereat, that they would no lenger linger
their journeis, but marched with all spede unto ROME. The people that dwelt
by the high wayes where they should passe by, were marvelously affrayed
to see the multitude of them, and their brave and universall furniture:
and beginning to doubt the furie of their rage, they imagined first of
all that they would destroye all the champion country before them, and
afterwardes would take all the strong citties. They contrariwise dyd take
nothing at all out of the fieldes, neither dyd any hurte or displeasure
unto any bodie: but passing by their citties, cried out they went to ROME,
and would have no warres but with the ROMAINE, and howe otherwise they
desired to be friendes with all the worlde. These barbarous people marching
on in this wise towards ROME, the Tribunes of the souldiers brought their
army to the field to encounter them. They were no lesse in number then
the GAVLES, for they were fourty thousand footemen. Howbeit most part of
them were rawe souldiers, that had never served in the warres before. They
were very careles of the goddes, and dissolute in matters of religion:
for they passed neither for good signes in their sacrifices, neither to
aske counsaill of their soothesayers, which the ROMAINES were religiously
wont to doe, before they gave any battaill. To make the matter worse: the
number of the captaines having power and authoritie alike, dyd
CAMILLVS <Plut1-369> asmuche (or more then the rest) disorder and
confounde their doings. For ofte times before, in farre lesser matters
and daungers then these, they dyd use to chuse speciall officers that had
sole and soveraine authoritie, which they called Dictators: knowing very
well of how great importance it is, in daungerous times to have but one
head and generall, to commaund all, and to have supreme authoritie of justice
in his hands, and not to be bound to deliver accompt of his doings to any.
The injury also which they had so ungratefully done to Camillus, brought
great mischief and inconvenience then upon them. For the captaines after
him, durst no more commaunde the people roughly, but ever after dyd flatter
them much. When their army was nowe brought into the field they encamped
themselves by a litle river called Allia, about the eleventh stone from
ROME, and not farre from the place where the same river falleth into Tyber.
Thither came the barbarous army to them, who overthrew them in battell,
by their disorder and lacke of government. For the left pointe or winge
of their battell was broken of at the first by the GAVLES, who charged
them so furiously, that they drave them hedlong into the river. The right
wing then retiring out of the plain, before they had any charge geven,
and having gotten certen hilles hard by them: they had litle hurte, and
moste of them saving them selves, did recover ROME again. The rest that
escaped after the enemies were weary of killing, fled by night unto the
cittie of VEIES, thinking ROME had bene lost, and all the cittie put to
the sword. This overthrowe was on the longest_daye+ in sommer the moone
being at the full: and the daye before fortuned the great slaughter of
the Fabians, of the which were slaine by the THVSCANS in one daye 300.
all of a name. The very daye it self was afterwards called Alliade, of
the name of the,' litle river, by the which the 2. overthrow was geven.
<Plut1-370> CAMILLVS But for the difference of dayes, that some
of them are naturally unfortunate, or that Heraclitus the philosopher had
reason to reprove the poet Hesiodus, for making some days good, and some
dayes ill, as though he understood they were not all of one nature: we
have written and declared our opinion therof in other places. Yet, bicause
the matter delivereth present occasion to speake of the same, peradventure
it wil not be amisse to alleage a few examples of it only. It fortuned
the BOEOTIANS on a time to winne two honorable victories, on the first
daye of the moneth they call Hippodromus (and which the ATHENIANS call
Hecatombaeon) that is now the moneth of June, by either of the which they
did still restore the GRECIANS to their libertie. The first was the battell
of LEVCTRES. The second was the battell of GERASTE, which was two hundred
yeres before when they over came LATTAMIAS, and the THESSALIANS in battell.
The PERSIANS contrarily were overcome in battail by the GRECIANS, the sixt
daye of August, at the jorney of MARATHON. The third day, at the battell
of PLATEES. And on the selfe same daye, neere unto MYCALA. On the five
and twenty daye, at the fight of ARBELES, the ATHENIANS wanne the battell
by sea, neere unto Ile of NAXOS, under the charge and government of Chabrias,
about the full of the moone, in the moneth of August. And on the twenty
of the same moneth, they wonne the battell of SALAMINA: as we have written
more amplie in our historie of difference of dayes. The moneth of Aprill
also brought to the barbarous people many notable losses. For Alexander
the great, overcame the generall of the king of PERSIA, at the fielde of
GRANICA, in the sayed moneth. The CARTHAGINIANS also were vanquished in
SICILE by Timoleon, on the seven and twenty daye thereof. On which daye
also it is thought the cittie of TROYE was taken: as Ephorus, Callisthenes,
Damastes, and Phylarchus, have writ-
CAMILLVS <Plut1-371> ten in their histories. Nowe contrariwise.
The moneth of Julye, which the BOEOTIANS call Panemus, hath not bene gratious
to the GRECIANS. For on the seven daye of the same, they were overthrowen
by Antipater at the battell of CRANON, which was their utter destruction.
They had before also lost a battell the same moneth, neere unto the Cittie
of CHAERONEA, by king Phillippe. On the same daye also, and in the very
self moneth and yere, those which came into ITALIE with king Archidamus,
were slaine every one of them, by the barbarous people of the country.
The CARTHAGINIANS also feare the seven and twenty daye of the same moneth,
as the daye which had before time brought them into many great and sorowfull
calamities. Contrarilie also, I knowe very well, how about the feast of
mysteries, the cittie of THEBES was destroyed by Alexander, and that the
ATHENIANS were compelled to receyve a garrison of souldiers into their
cittie, about the twenty daye of August, at which time they made the holie
procession of the mysteries of Iacchus. And on the self day the ROMAINES
lost their armie, and their generall Capio, who was slaine by the CIMBRES.
And how afterwards under the leading of Lucullus, they overcame king Tigranes,
and the ARMENIANS. And that Attalus, and Pompey also, dyed both on the
selfe same daye they were borne. To conclude, infinite examples of men
might be brought, unto whom after like revolutions of time, there happened
notable chaunces of good or ill. But to returne againe unto our historie.
The daye of this overthrowe, is one of those which the ROMAINES take for
one of the unfortunatest dayes that ever came unto them. And by reason
of that day, they reckon two other dayes ne of every moneth very unfortunate,
engendred through feare & superstition, which spreadeth farre (as commonly
it doth) upon such sinister misfortunes. But for this matter, we have written
it more largely and exquisitly in
<Plut1-372> CAMILLVS the booke we made, of the ceremonies and customes
of the ROMAINES. Now after this battell lost, if the GAVLES had hottely
pursued the chase of their flying enemies, nothing could have saved ROME
from being taken, and the inhabitants therof from being put unto the sword.
For the ROMAINES that fled from the battell, brought such a feare upon
those that receyved them, and filled the whole cittie of ROME with such
greif and trembling: that they wist not what to doe. The barbarous people
againe, beleeving litle their victorie was so great as it was, fell to
make good cheere for so great a joye received, and devided among them the
spoyle of their enemies goods they found in the campe. So gave they time
and leysure by this meanes, to the multitude of people that fled out of
ROME to seeke them some place of safety: and to such as remained still,
they left good hope to save them selves, and to make some provision for
defence. Thereupon they all fortified them selves within mount Capitoll,
and storing it with all kind of vitaill, armor, and munition, they wholy
dyd forsake the rest of the cittie. But the first worke they tooke in hande
was this. They dyd bring into their sayed forte, parte of their sacred
relickes: and the professed Vestalls brought thither also their holy fire
& all other their holy monuments. Some writers saye, that they had
nothing els in keeping, but the sempiternall fyer, & were so consecrated
by king Numa, who dyd first institute, that the fyer should beworshipped,
as the beginning of all things. For that it is the most motive and quickest
substance that is of all naturall things: notwithstanding, that generation
also is a moving, or at the least not done without motion. For we see that
all other substance which lacketh heate, remaineth idle, and without action,
and sturreth not, no more then doth a dead thing, which craveth the force
and heate of fyre: as the soule it selfe recovering heate, beginneth somewhat
to move, and dis-
CAMILLVS <Plut1-373> poseth it selfe to doe, and suffer some thing.
Wherefore Numa being (as they saye) a man of great learning and understanding,
who for his wisedome was reported to talke many times with the Muses, dyd
consecrate the same as a most sacred thing, and commaunded that they never
should suffer that fyre to goe out, and but keepe it, as they would preserve
the lively image of the eternall God, the only King and maker of the worlde.
Other saye, that the fyer burned continually there before the holy &
sacred things, signifying a kinde and manner of purification, which opinion
the GRECIANS holde also: Howbeit behinde the same fyer, there were certen
hidden things, which in no case any might see, but those holy Vestall Nunnes.
Many also holde an opinion, that the Palladium of TROYE (as much to say,
as Pallas image) is hidden also there, which was brought by AEneas into
ITALIE. Other doe reporte also, that Dardanus, at that time when he first
beganne to buylde the cittie of TROYE, brought thither the holy images
of the goddes of SAMOTHRACIA, and he dyd offer them up there: and howe
AEneas after the cittie was taken, dyd steale them awaye, and kept them
untill he came to dwell in ITALIE. Some other also, that take upon them
to knowe more therein then the common sorte, doe holde opinion, that there
are two pipes not very great, whereof the one is emptie and standeth open,
the other is full and fast locked up, howbeit they are not to be seene
but by these holy Nunnes. Other thincke also, that these imaginers invented
that they spake of their owne heads, bicause the Vestall Nunnes dyd cast
all that they could put in at that time, into two pipes, which they buried
after in the grounde within the temple of Quirinus: & therefore that
very place carieth the surname at this daye of pipes. Howbeit they caried
about them the most precious things they had, & fled alongest the river.
Where one Lucius Albinus (one of the common people) flying
<Plut1-374> CAMILLVS also, and having brought away his wife and
litle children, and other household stuffe he had in a carte by chaunce
he lighted upon the Vestall Nunnes in the waye. But so sone as he perceyved
these holy Nunnes (carying the blessed relickes and juells in their armes,
dedicated unto the service of the goddes) all alone, and that they were
wearie with going a foote: he caused his wife and his children to come
out of the carte, and tooke downe all his goodes also, and willed them
to get them up, and flye into some cittie or towne of GRECE. Thus, me thought
I could not well passe overwith silence, Albinus reverence and devotion
he shewed unto the goddes, in so daungerous a time and pinche of extremitie.
Furthermore the priests of other goddes, and the most honorablest olde
men of the cittie of ROME (that had bene Consuls before time, or had past
the honour of triumphe) had not the harte to forsake ROME: but putting
on all their most holy robes and vestments dyd vowe, and as it were willingly
sacrificed themselves unto the fortune that should befall them, for the
safety of their countrie. And using certain words and prayers which their
high bishoppe Fabius had taught them, they went even thus apparelled into
the great market place, and dyd sit them downe there, in chayers of ivory,
expecting the good will and pleasure of the godds what should become of
them. But with in three dayes after, Brennus came to ROME with his army:
who finding the gates of the cittie all open, and the walles without watche,
he dowted some devise in it, and feared some privie ambush had bene layed,
as one hardly beleeving to have found the ROMAINES of so base a mind, as
to forsake their cittie. After being enformed of the troth, he entred into
ROME by the gate Collina, & tooke the same, litle more then three hundred
and three score yeres after it was first builded: if it be true at the
least there hath remained any certen chronicles of those times unto this
CAMILLVS <Plut1-375> present daye, considering the trouble and confusion
of that time hath made many things more uncerteine then that, dowtefull
unto us. But so it was, that the rumor ranne to GRECE incontinently howe
ROME was taken, but yet withall somwhat doubtefully and uncertainely. For
Heraclides Ponticus (who was about that time) sayeth in a certen booke
he wrote of the soule, that there was newes come from the West parte, that
an armie which came from the HYPERBORIANS had taken a cittie of GREECE
called ROME, situated in that country neere the great sea. But I wonder
not that Heraclides (who hath written so many other fables & lyes)
dyd amplifie the true newes of the taking of ROME, with adding to of his
owne devise, of the HYPERBORIANS, and by the great sea. It is a most true
tale, that Aristotle the philosopher had certain knowledge it was taken
by the GAVLFS: howbeit he sayeth also it was recovered againe afterwards
by one called Lucius: where in deede it was, by Marcus Camillus, &
not by Lucius. But all this in manner is spoken by conjecture. Moreover,
Brennus heing entred ROME, dyd appointe parte of his souldiers to besiege
those which were gotten into mount Capitoll. And he with the residue of
his armie, marched on towards the market place: where when he saw the auncient
Senatours set so gravely in their chayers, and spake never a word, nor
offered once to rise, though they saw their enemies come armed towards
them, neither chaunged countenance nor culler at all, but leaned softely
on their staves they had in their hands, seeming to be nothing affrayed
nor abashed, but looked one upon another, he marvelously wondred at it.
This their so straunge manner at the first dyd so dampe the GAVLES, that
for a space they stoode still, and were in doubte to come neere to touche
them, fearing least they had bene some goddes: {Satan+} untill suche time,
as one of them went boldely unto Marcus Papyrius, & layed his hand
fayer &
<Plut1-376> CAMILLVS softely upon his long bearde. But Papyrius
gave him such a rappe on his pate with his staffe, that he made the bloud
ronne about his eares. This barbarous beaste was in such a rage with the
blowe, that he drue out his sworde, and slewe him. The other souldiers
also killed all the rest afterwardes: and so the GAVLES continued many
dayes spoyling & sacking all thinges they founde in the houses, and
in the ende dyd set them all a fyer, & destroyed them every one, for
despite of those that kept the forte of the Capitoll, that would not yeld
upon their summons, but valliantly repulsed them when they scaled the walles.
For this cause they rased the whole cittie, and put all to the sworde that
came in their handes, young and olde, man, woman, and childe. Nowe this
siege continuing long, & the ROMAINES holding them out very stowtely,
vittells beganne to growe scante in the campe of the GAVLES, in so much
as they were driven of force to seeke it abroade without the cittie. Hereupon
they devided them selves, whereof some remained still with the King at
the siege of the Capitoll: and the rest went a forraging, and spoyling
all the champion countrie & villages thereaboutes, scatrered as it
were by bandes and companies, some here, some there, fearing nothing, nor
passing upon watch or warde, they lived in such securitie of their victorie.
Howbeit the greatest company amongest them, went by fortune towardes the
cittie of ARDEA, where Camillus dwelt, living like a private man, medling
with no matters of state from the time of his exile, untill that present
time. But then he beganne not to bethinke him self as a man that was in
safety, and might have escaped the handes of his enemies, but rather sought
to devise and finde out all the meanes he could to subdewe them if occasion
were so offered. Whereupon, considering that the inhabitants of ARDEA were
enough in number to set upon them, although faynte harted, and cowardly,
by reason of the
CAMILLVS <Plut1-377> slouth and negligence of their governours and
captaines, who had no manner of experience in the warres: he beganne to
cast out these words among the young men. That they should not thinke the
ROMAINES misfortune fell upon them, through the valliantnes of the GAVLES,
nor that their calamitie (who had refused good counsaill) had happened
unto them by any worke or acte of the GAVLES, having done nothing for their
parte to make them carie awaye the victorie: but that they should thinke,
it was no other thing, but fortune+ alone, that would needes shewe her
power. Therefore, that it were nowe a notable and honorable enterprise
(although somewhat daungerous) to drive these straungers and barbarous
people out of their countrie: considering that the only ende of their victorie
was, but to destroye and consume as fire, all that fell into their hands.
Wherefore if they would but only take a good lusty harte and corage unto
them, he would with opportunitie, and place, assure them the victorie,
without any daunger. The young men were pleased with these words of life
and comforte. Whereupon Camillus went to breake the matter also unto the
magistrates and counsellours: and having drawen them by persuasion unto
this enterprise, he armed all that were of age to carie armor, and would
not suffer a man to goe out of the cittie, for feare least the enemies
(which were not farre of) should have intelligence of the same. Now after
the GAVLES had ronne over all the champion countrie, and were loden with
all sorts of spoyles, they did encampe them selves negligently in open
fields, and never charged watch nor warde: but having their full cariage
of wine layed them down to slepe, & made no noyse at all in their campe.
Camillus being advertised thereof by his severall skowtes, caused the ARDEANS
with as litle noyse as might be, forthwith to goe out into the fields:
& having marched somwhat roundly the distance betwene the cit-
<Plut1-378> CAMILLVS tie, & the campe of the GAVLES, they came
thither much about midnight. Then he made his soldiers make great showtes
& cries, & the trumpets to be sounded on every side, to put a feare
in their enemies, who yet with all the lowde noyse they made, could hardly
be made to wake, they were so deadly dronke. Yet there were some notwithstanding,
that for feare to be taken tardy, dyd bustle up at this sodaine noyse:
and coming to them selves, fell to their weapons to resist Camillus, which
were slayne by and by. The rest, and the greatest number of them, laye
here and there scattered in the middest of the field, without any weapon,
dead a sleepe, starcke droncke with wine, & were put to the sworde,
& never strake stroke. Those that fled out of the campe that night
(which were but fewe in number) were overthrowen also the next daye, by
the horse men which followed and killed them, as they tooke them draggling
here & there in the fieldes. The brute of this victorie was blowen
abroade incontinently through all the townes and villages thereabouts,
which caused many young men to come and joyne them selves to Camillus:
but specially the ROMAINFS desired the same, that had saved them selves
in the cittie of VEIES, after the battel lost at ALLIA, who made their
mones amongest them selves there, saying. O goddes, what a captaine hath
fortune taken from the cittie of ROME? What honour hath the cittie of ARDEA,
by the valliantnes and worthy deedes of Camillus: and in the meane season,
his naturall cittie that brought him forth, is now lost, and utterly destroyed?
We, for lacke of a captaine to leade us, are shut up here within others
walles, & doe nothing but suffer ITALIE in the meane space to goe to
ruine, and utter destruction before our eyes. Why then doe we not send
to the ARDEANS for our captaine? or why doe we not arme our selves, to
goe unto him? For he is nowe no more a banished man, nor we poore citti-
CAMILLVS <Plut1-379> zens: since our cittie is possessed with the
forein power, of our hatefull enemies. So they all agreed to this counsaill,
and sent unto Camillus to beseche him to be their captaine,& leade
them. But he made aunswer, he would in no case consent unto it, unles they
that were besieged in the Capitoll had lawfully first confirmed it by their
voyces. For those (sayed he) so long as they remaine within the cittie,
doe represent the state and bodie thereof. Therefore if they commaunded
him to take this charge upon him, he would most willingly obey them: otherwise
they misliked of it, that then he would not medle against their good willes
& commaundement. They having receaved this aunswer, there was not a
ROMAINE amongest them, but greatly honored & extolled the wisedome
and justice of Camillus. But nowe they knewe not how to make them privie
to it, that were besieged in the Capitoll: for they sawe no possibilide
to convey a messenger to them: considering the enemies were lordes of the
cittie, and layed seige to it. Howbeit there was one Pontius Cominius amongest
the young men (a man of a meane house, but yet desirous of honour and glory)
that offered him self very willingly to venter to get in if he could. So
he tooke no letters to cary to them which were besieged, for feare least
they might be intercepted, & so they should discover Camillus intention:
but putting on an ill favoured gowne upon him, he conveyed certen peces
of corcke under it, and traveling at none dayes kept on his waye without
feare, untill he came to ROME, bringing darke night with him. And bicause
he could not passe over the bridge, for that the barbarous people kept
watche upon it: he wrapped such clothes as he had, about his necke (which
were not many, nor heavy) and tooke the river, & swimming with these
corcks he had brought, at the length he got over to the other side where
the cittie stoode. Then taking up those lanes allwayes where he
<Plut1-380> CAMLLLVS thought the enemies were not, seeing fire,
and hearing noyse in other places, he went to the gate Carmentale, where
he found more silence then in other places: on the which side also, the
hill of the Capitoll was more stepe & upright, by reason of the great
rocks that were harde to clime up upon. But he digged and crept up so long
amongest them, that he got up with great payn unto the wall of the fortresses
on the which side also the enemie kept no watch: and saluting the watche
of the Capitoll, he told them what he was. So they plucked him up unto
them, and brought him to the magisrates that ruled then. Who caused the
Senate to assemble presently, unto whom he told the newes of Camillus victorie,
which they had not heard of before: and therewith also he dyd declare unto
them, the determination of the ROMAINE souldiers that were abroade, which
was, to make Camillus their captaine and general, and did persuade them
also to graunt him the charge, for that he was the only man abroad whom
the cittizens gave their consents to obey. When they heard this, all that
were within the Capitoll, consulted thereupon amongest them selves, and
so did chuse Camillus Dictator, and returned the messenger Pontius Cominius
backe againe, the self same way he came unto them. His fortune in returning
backe, was like unto his coming thither: for the enemies never sawe him.
And so he brought reporte unto them that were abroad, of the Senates decree
and consent, whereof they all were marvelous glad. Thus came Camillus to
take this charge of generall upon him, and found there were twenty thousand
good fighting men abroade, and well armed. Then got he further ayde also
of their allies and confederates, and prepared daylie to goe and set upon
the enemies. So was Camillus chosen nowe Dictator the seconde time, &
went unto the cittie of VEIES, where he spake with the ROMAINE souldiers
that were there, and leavied a great
CAMILLVS <Plut1-381> number of the allies besides, to goe fight
with the enemies as sone as he could. But whilest Camillus was thus a preparing,
certen of the Barbarous people in ROME, walking out by chaunce on that
side of the Capitoll where Pontius Cominius had gotten up the night before,
spied in divers places the printes of his feete and hands, as he had griped
and gotten holde, still digging to get up, and sawe the weedes and erbes
also growing upon the rocks, and the earth in like manner, flat troden
down. Whereupon they went presently unto the King, to let him understande
the same: who forthwith came to vewe the place. And having considered it
well, he did nothing at that time: but when darke night was come, he called
a companie of the lightest GAVLES together, & that used most to digge
in mountaines, and sayed unto them. Our enemies them selves doe shew us
the waye how to take them, which we could not have founde out but by them
selves. For they having gone up before us, do geve us easely to understande,
it is no impossible thing for us to clime up also. Wherefore, we were utterly
shamed, having already begonne well, if we should fayle also to end well:
and to leave this place as unvincible. For if it were easie for one man
alone, by digging to clime up to the height thereof- much lesse is it harde
for many to get up one after another, so that one doe helpe another. Therefore
Syrs, I assure you, those that doe take paynes to get up, shalbe honorably
rewarded, according to their just deserte. When the King had spoken these
wordes unto the GAVLES, they fell to it lustely every man to get up: &
about midnight, they beganne many of them to digge, and make stepps up
to the rocke one after another, as softly as could possibly, with catching
holde the best they could, by the hanging of the rocke, which they found
very steepe, but nevertheles easier to clime, then they tooke it at the
beginning. So that the formest of them be-
<Plut1-382> CAMILLVS ing come to the toppe of the rocke, were now
ready to take the walle, and to set upon the watche that slept: for there
was neither man nor dogge that heard them. It chaunced then there were
holy gese kept in the temple of Juno, which at other times were wont to
be fed till their croppes were full: but vittells being very straite, &
scante at that time even to finde the men, the poore gese were so hard
handled, and so litle regarded, that they were in manner starved for lacke
of meate. This fowle in deede naturally is very quicke of hearing, and
so is she also very fearefull by nature: and being in manner famished with
their harde allowance, they were so much the more waking, and easier to
be afrayed. Upon this occasion therfore, they heard the comming of the
GAVLES, and also beganne to ronne up and downe and crie for feare: with
which noyse they did wake those that were within the castell. The GAVLES
being bewrayed by these foolishe gese, left their stealing upon them, and
came in with all the open noyse and terrour they could. The ROMAINES hearing
this larum, every man took such weapon as came first to his hand, and they
ranne sodainely to rescue that place from whence they understoode the noyse:
among those, the formest man of all was Marcus Manlius, a man that had
bene Consul, who had a lusty bodye, and as stowte a harte. His happe being
to mete with two of the GAVLES together, as one of them was lifting up
his axe to knocke him on the head, he prevented him, and strake of his
hand with his sword, and clapt his target on the others face so fiercely,
that he threwe him backward down the rocke: and comming afterwards unto
the walle with others that ranne thither with him, he repulsed the rest
of the GAVLES that were gotten up, who were not many in number, neither
did any great acte. Thus the ROMAINES having escaped this daunger, the
next morning they threw the captaine hedlong down the rocks from the castell,
CAMILLVS <Plut1-383> who had charge of the watche the night before:
& gave Manlius in recompence of the good service he had done, a more
honorable then profitable rewarde, which was this. Every man of them gave
him halfe a pound of the country wheate, which they call Far, & the
fourth parte of the measure of wine, which the GRECIANS call Cotile: and
this might be about a quarte, being the ordinary allowance of every man
by the daye. After this repulse, the GAVLES beganne to be discoraged, partely
for that their vitailles fayled them, and durst no more forage abroade
in the fieldes for feare of Camillus: and partly also for that the plague+
came amongest them, being lodged amongest heapes of dead bodies, lying
in every place above ground ,without buriall, and amongest burnt houses
destroyed, where the ashes being blowen very high by the winde & vehemency
of heate, dyd geve a drie persing ayer, that dyd marvelously poyson their
bodies when they came to drawe in the breathe of it. But the greatest cause
of all their mischief was, the chaunge of their wonted dyet. Who comming
out of a freshe countrie, where there were excellent pleasaunt places to
retire unto, to avoyde the discommoditie of the parching heate of the sommer,
were nowe in a naughty plaine countrie for them to remaine in, in the latter
season of the yere. All these things together dyd heape diseases upon them,
besides the long continuaunce of the siege about the Capitoll (for it was
then about the seventh moneth) by reason whereof there grewe a marvelous
death in their campe, through the great numbers of them that dyed daylie,
& laye unburied. But notwithstanding all the death and trouble of the
GAVLFS, the poore besieged ROMAINES were nothing holpen the more, the famine
still dyd growe so fast upon them. And bicause they could heare nothing
of Camillus, they were growen almost unto a despaire: and send unto him
they could not, the GAVLES kept so straight watche upon
<Plut1-384> CAMILLVS them in the cittie. Whereupon both parties
finding them selves in harde state, first the watche of either side beganne
to cast out wordes of peace amongest them selves: and afterwards by consent
of the heades, Sulpitius, Tribune osthe souldiers, came to parle with Brennus.
In which parle it was articled: that the ROMAINES should paye a thousand
pounde weight of golde, and that the GAVLES should incontinently after
the receipt of the same, departe out of their cittie, and all their territories.
This decree being passed by othe from both, the golde was brought. And
when it came to be weyed, the GAVLES at the first prively beganne to deale
falsely with them: but afterwardes they openly payed the ballance, and
would not let them waye no more, whereat the ROMAINES beganne to be angriewith
them. Then Brennus, in scorne & mockery, to despight them more, pluckt
of his sworde girdell and all, and put it into the ballance where the gold
was wayed. Sulpitius seeing that: asked him what he ment by it? Brennus
aunswered him: what canne it signific els, but sorrowe to the vanquished.
This worde ever after ranne as a common proverbe in the peoples mouthes.
Some of the ROMAINES tooke this vile parte of theirs in such scorne, that
they would needes take the gold from them againe by force, and so returne
into their holde, to abide the siege still, as they had done before. Other
were of opinion to the contrary, and thought it best with pacience to put
up this scorne of theirs, and not to thincke it was a shame to paye more
then they had promised: but only to paye it by compulsion as they dyd by
misfortune of time, was to thincke it rather necessary, then honorable.
And as they were debating the matter thus, aswell amongest them selves,
as with the GAVLES: Camillus came to ROME gates with his armie, & understanding
all what had passed betweene them he commaunded the rest of the army to
marche fayer and softely after him in good order,
CAMILLVS <Plut1-385> and he in the meane season with the best choyse
men he had, went before with all speede. Assone as the other ROMAINES within
the cittie had spied him, they showted out for joye, and receaved him every
one with great reverence, without any more wordes, as their soveraine captaine
and prince, who had power over them all. And Camillus taking the golde
out of the skales, {cortesy+} gave it unto his men, and commaunded the
GAVLES presently to take up their skales, and to get them going: for, sayeth
he, it is not the ROMAINES manner to keepe their countrie with golde, but
with the sworde. Then Brennus beganne to be hotte, and tolde him it was
not honorably done of him, to breake the accorde that had passed betweene
them before by othe. Whereunto Camillus stowtely aunswered him againe,
that accorde was of no validitie. For he being created Dictator before,
all other officers and magistrates whatsoever, and their actes, by his
election were made of no authoritie: and seeing therefore they had delte
with men, that had no power of them selves to accorde to any matter they
were to speake to him if they required ought. For he alone had absolute
authoritie to pardone them if they repented, and would aske it: or els
to punishe them, and make their bodies aunswer the damages and losse his
cuntry had by them susteyned. These wordes made Brennus madde as a march
hare, that out went his blade. Then they drew their swordes of all sides,
& layed lustely one at an other as they could, within the houses, and
in open streetes, where they could set no battell in order. But Brennus
sodainely remembring him selfe that it was no even matche for him, retired
with his men about him into his campe, before he had lost many of his people.
The next night following, he departed out of ROME with all his army, and
went to encampe him self about a three score furlong from thence, in the
highe way that goeth towards the cittie of the GABIANS. Camillus with his
<Plut1-386> CAMILLVS whole army well appointed, went after him immediatly,
and showed at his campe by the breake of daye. The ROMAINES having taken
harte againe unto them, dyd lustely geve them battell: the same continued
longe, very cruell and doubtefull, untill the GAVLES at the length were
overthrowen, and their campe taken with great slaughter. As for those that
dyd escape the furie of the battell, they were killed, some by the ROMAINES
selves, who hottely followed the chase after the battell broken: the residue
of them, and the greatest parte, were slaine by those of the citties and
villages neere aboute, that dyd set upon them as they fled scatteringly
here and there in the fields. And thus was the cittie of ROME, straungely
againe recovered, that was before straungely wonne and lost after it had
continued seven moneths in the handes of the barbarous people. For they
entred ROME about the fitenth daye of Iulye: and they were driven out againe,
about the thirtenth daye of Februarye following. So Camillus triumphed
as beseemed him, and as one that had saved and delivered his countrie out
of the handes of their enemies, and set ROME againe at libertie. Those
that had bene abroade all the time of this siege, came into ROME againe,
following his triumphing charret: and those that had bene besieged within
the Capitoll (looking for no other but to have dyed by famin) went and
presented them selves before him, and eche one embraced other, in weeping
wise for joye. The priestes & ministers of the temples also, presented
their holy juells, whole and undefaced, which some of them had buried in
the ground within the cittie selfe: and others some had caried awaye with
them, when they fled out of ROME. All these the people dyd as gladly see,
as if the goddes them selves had returned home againe into their cittie.
After they had sacrificed unto the goddes, & rendred them most humble
thankes, and had purged their cittie, as they had been
CAMILLVS <Plut1-387> taught by men experienced in those matters
for satisfaction of the goddes: Camillus beganne againe to buylde up the
temples that were there before, harde by the which he buylt another newe
one also to the god Aius Locutius, in that very place where Marcus Ceditius
heard the voyce warne him of the coming of the GAVLES. So by Camillus good
diligence, and the priestes great paynes and travaill, the situations of
these temples were with muche a doe founde out againe. But when they were
to buylde againe all the rest of the cittie, that was wholy burnt, and
destroyed to the grounde: the people had no minde to it, but ever shrinked
backe, to put any hande to the worcke, for that they lacked all thinges
necessarie to beginne the same. Furthermore, waying their late and long
susteined trouble and miseries, they were fitter to take their ease &
rest, then to beginne newe labour and toyle, to kill their hartes and bodies
altogether. For, neither were their bodies able to performe it, nor yet
their goods to reache to the charge of it. Wherefore disposing their mindes
to dwell in the cittie of VEIES, which remained whole, untouched, and furnished
of all thinges to receave them: they delivered to the pratling Orators
(whose tongues dyd never cease to speake placentia to the people) trimme
occasion to set this matter abroache. So they gave good care, and were
willing to heare certen seditious wordes spoken against CamilIus, which
were these. That for his private ambition he would deprive them of a cittie
well furnished already, and would against their wishes compell them to
lodge in their owne houses, wholy burnt & pulled downe. And moreover,
how he would make them to rayse up againe the great ruine the fire had
made, to the ende the people must call him, not only captaine & generall
of the ROMAINES, but the founder of ROME also, and so drown Romulus honorable
title thereof. The Senate considering of this matter, and fearing some
tumulte
<Plut1-388> CAMILLVS among the people: they would not suffer Camillus
to leave his Distator shippe before the ende of the yere, notwithstanding
no man ever enjoyed that office above sixe moneths. Then Camillus for his
parte dyd much endevour him selfe, to comforte & appease the people,
praying them all he could to tarie: & further pointed with his finger
unto the graves of their auncesters, and put them in minde also of the
holy places dedicated to the goddes, and sanctified by king Numa, or by
Romulus, or by other Kings. But amongest many other tokens drawen out of
holy and divine things, he forgate not to bring for example, the heade
of a man founde newe and freshe, in making the foundations of the Capitoll,
as if that place by fatall desteny had bene once chosen to be the heade
and chief of all lTALIE. And moreover, that the holy fyer of the goddesse
Vesta (which sence the warres had bene kindled againe by the holy Vestall
Nunnes) would againe come to be put out by them, if they did forsake their
naturall cittie, besides the great shame and dishonour it would be unto
them, to see it habited in time to come unknowne straungers, or els to
be left a common field and pasture, for beastes and cattell to graze in.
Such sorowfull examples & griefes, the honest naturall borne cittizens,
dyd ever blowe into the peoples eares, aswell privately, as openly. The
people againe to the contrarie, make their hartes to yerne for pittie,
when they layed before their eyes their penurie, and povertie they sussteined:
and besought them also not to enforce them to joyne together againe the
broken peces of a spoiled cittie as of a shippewracke that had cast them
naked into the sea, having only saved bare life and persones) sence that
e had another cittie neere at hande ready to receave them. So Camillus
counsell was, the Senate should consulte upon this matter, and their absolute
opinion herein: which was done.
CAMILLVS <Plut1-389> And in this counsell, he him self brought forth
many probable reasons, why they should not leave in any case, the place
of their natural] birth and country: and so dyd many other Senatours in
like case, favoring that opinion. Last of all, after these persuasions,
he commaunded Lucius Lucretius (whose manner was to speake first in such
assemblies) that he should stand up and deliver his opinion, and that the
rest also in order as they sat, should saye their mindes. So every man
keeping silence, as Lueretius was ready to speake, at that present time
there passed by their counsell house, a captaine with his bande that warded
that daye, who spake alowde to his ensigne bearer that went formest to
staye, and set downe his ensigne there: for, sayed he, here is a very good
place for us to warde in. These wordes being heard up into the Senate house,
even as they stoode all in a doubte & maze what would be the resolution
of this matter: Lucretius beganne to saye, that he most humbly thancked
the goddes, & allowed of the captaines judgment, & so every one
of the rest in their order, sayed as much. Moreover there was a wonderful
chaunge and alteration of minde sodainely among the common people: for
every man dyd persuade and encorage his fellowe lively to put his hand
to this worke. Insomuch as tarying for no division or appointing out of
streetes, nor setting out every man his place he should builde in: they
fell to worke of all handes, everie one chosing that place he liked hest,
and was most commodious for their building, without any other order or
division amongest them. Whereupon, they ronning to this building on a head,
the streetes were confused on heapes together, and their houses all built
out of order & uniformitie. For the reporte goeth, that the whole cittie
(as well common as private buildings) was built againe in a yere. But the
surveyours, to whom had geven charge to finde out all the holy places where
<Plut1-390> CAMILLVS the temples had bene overthrowen: as they went
about mount Pallatine, they came by chaunce to the place, where the chappell
of Mars had stoode, which the GAVLES had wholy burnt and destroyed, as
they had done all the rest. They making cleane the place, and surveying
every corner, dyd finde by chaunce Romulus augures crooked staffe hidden
under a great mount of ashes. This staffe is crooked at one of the endes
and they call it Lituus, which soothesayers doe use to quarter out the
regions of the element, when they will beholde the flying of birdes to
tell of things to come. Romulus that was very skillfull in this arte, dyd
use this staffe: and after he was taken awaye from all mens sights, the
priests tooke it, and kept it as a holy relicke, suffering no creature
to laye hands on it. Nowe they founde this staffe whole and unbroken, where
all things els were consumed and perished by fire, they were in a marvelous
joye thereat. For they interpreted this to be a signe, of the everlasting
continuaunce of the cittie of ROME. But before they could make an ende
of all their building, there grewe a newe warre againe upon them. For at
one very instante, all the EQVES, the VOLSCES, and the LATINES, entred
with all their might and mayne into the territories of the ROMAINES. The
THUSCANS also went then and besieged SVTRIVM, that was in league and amitie
with the ROMAINES. The Tribuni militares got them straight to the field
with their armie, and encamped about mount Martian. The LATINES besieged
them so straightely, that their army stoode in great daunger to be overthrowen,
and they were driven to sende to ROME for a newe supplie. Thereupon the
ROMAINES dyd choose Camillus Dictator againe the third time. The occasion
of this warre is reported two manner of wayes: whereof I will declare the
first, which I doe conceyve to be but a tale. They saye the LATINES sent
unto the ROMAINES, to demaunde some of their free maydes in ma-
CAMILLVS <Plut1-391> riage: which they dyd either to make a quarell
of warre, or els as desirous in deede, to joyne both the peoples againe
by newe mariages. The ROMAINES were amased very much at this, and sore
troubled, as not knowing howe to aunswer them, they were so affrayed of
warres. For they were yet scante newe setled at home, & dreaded much
lest this demaunde of their daughters, was but a summons made to geve them
hostages, which they finely cloked under the name of alliance in mariage.
Some saye that there was at that time a bonde mayde called Tutola, or as
some saye, Philotis, that went unto the Senate, and counselled them they
should sende her awaye with some other fayer maydes slaves, dressed up
like gentlewoman, and then let her alone. The Senate liked very well of
this devise, and chose such a number of bonde maydes as she desired to
have, and trimming them up in fine apparell, begawded with chaines of golde
and juells, they sent them forth to the LATINES, who were encamped not
farre from the cittie. When night was come, the other maydes hyd their
enemies swords. But this Tutola, or Philotis (call her as you will) dyd
clime up to the toppe of a wilde figge tree, from which she shewed a burning
torche unto the ROMAINES, having made shifte to hange somwhat behinde her,
to keepe the light from sight of the enemies. For this signall the Senate
of ROME had secretly appointed her to set up, which was the cause that
the issuing out of the souldiers being commaunded to goe out in the night,
was full of trouble and tumulte. For being pressed by their captaines,
they called one another, and there was great a doe to put them into order
of battel. Thus they went to take their enemies sleeping, who nothing mistrusting
the same, were slaine the most parte of them within their campe. This was
done on the fifte day of the moneth called then Quintilis, and now is named
Julye: at which time they doe yet celebrate a cer-
<Plut1-392> CAMILLVS taine feast in remembraunce of that acte. For
first of all, going out of the cittie, they call alowde many of their fellowes
names which are most common: as Caius, Marcus, and Lucius, showing thereby
howe one of them called another after that sorte, as they went in great
haste out of the cittie. Afterwardes all the mayde servauntes of the cittie
being trimmely apparelled goe playing up and downe the towne, pleasauntly
jeasting with those they mete: & in the ende they make as though they
fought together, in token that they dyd helpe the ROMAINES at that time
to destroye the LATINES. Then they are feasted, sitting under bowers made
with wilde figge tree boughes: and this feaste daye is called, Nona Capratinae,
by reason of the wilde figge tree (as some thincke) from the toppe whereof,
the bonde mayde shewed to the ROMAINES the burning torche. For the ROMAINES
call the wilde figge tree, Caprificus. Other saye, that all these things
are done and spoken, in remembrance of the mischaunce that happened unto
Romulus, when he was taken out of their sight, the same day without the
gats of the citty, at which time there rose a sodain miste and darke clowd.
Or as some other saye, that then was the eclypse of the sunne: and they
holde opinion that the day was named Nona Capratinae, bicause Capra in
the ROMAIN tongue, signifieth a goate. Romulus vanished out of mens sightes,
as he was making an oration unto his people, neere unto the place which
is called goate marshe, as we have mentioned more at large in his life.
The 2. occasion and beginning of this warre (according to the opinion of
most writers) was, that Camillus being chosen Dictator the third time,
& knowing that the Trib. militares with their army were straightly
besieged by the LATINES, and VOLSCES: he was inforced to arme all the old
men, who for very age were priviledged from further service in warres.
And having fetched a great compasse about mount Martian,
CAMILLVS <Plut1-393> bicause he would not be seene of his enemies,
he came to lodge his campe behind them, where he raised fiers, to make
the ROMAINES knowe that were besieged, how he was come: which as sone as
they perceived, they tooke to them corage again, and determined to fight.
But the LATINES and VOLSCES kept within their campe, & dyd entrenche
and fortifie them selves with a wall of wodd, which they layed a crosse,
bicause they saw they were beset both before and behind: and determined
to tary the releefe of a new supply, as well of their owne, as of some
further ayde besides from the THVSCANS, which thing Camillus perceaving,
and fearing least they should serve him, as he had already handled them
by compassing of him again behind: he thought it necessary to prevent this.
So considering the enclosure and fortification of their campe was all of
wodde, & that every morning commonly, there came a great winde from
the side of the mountaines, he made provision of a number of fire brandes.
And leading out his armie into the fields by breake of day, he appointed
one parte of them to geve charge upon the enemies on the one side, with
great noyse and showting: and he with the other parte determined to rayse
fier on the contrary side, from whence the winde should come, looking for
oportunitic to doe the same. When he sawe the sunne up, and the winde beginning
to whistle, blowing a good gale from the side of the hilles, and that the
skirmishe was begonne on the other side: then he gave a signall unto the
companie he led with him, to set upon the enemies, and made them throwe
into the inclosure of their campe, divers potts and dartes with fire, so
that the flame finding matter to catche holde of, in this enclosure of
wodde, & trees layed overthwart, dyd raise straight an exceding great
flame in the ayer, and still got waye inwards into the LATINES campe. Whereupon
the LATINES heing unprovided of present remedy to quenche
<Plut1-394> CAMILLVS the flame, and seeing their campe a fyre all
about their eares: they gathered them selves together at the first in a
very small roome. Nevertheles, they were inforced in the ende to get them
into the field, and there they founde their enemies ready armed, and in
battell raye. So as fewe of those escaped that came into the field, and
their fellowes that remained within their campe, were burnt to death with
fyer, untill the ROMAINES them selves came to quench it for greedines of
their spoyle and goodes. When all this was done, Camillus left his sonne
in the campe, to keepe the prisoners and spoyles: and he him self, with
the rest of the armie, went to invade his enemies contrie, where he tooke
the cittie of AEQVES. Then after he had overcome the VOLSCES, he led his
army presently from thence unto the cittie of SUTRIVM. For he had not yet
harde of their misfortune. Therefore he hasted him self to ayde them, bicause
he thought they were yet besieged by the THVSCANS. But suche was their
harde fortune, that they had already yelded up their cittie by composition,
and saved no parte of their goodes, but the very clothes they had on their
backs. So being turned out ofall they had, they met Camillus by the waye
as they were wandring abroad, lamenting their miserie, with their wives
& litle young children whose miserie went to the very harte of Camillus,
when he beheld their lamentable state. Furthermore, when he sawe the ROMAINES
weepe for pittie also, to see the mone that these unfortunate people made
unto him, and that it greved them hartely to beholde their great mischaunce:
he determined with him self not to deferre revenge, but presently to goe
the selfe same daye before the cittie of SVTRIVM, imagining that he should
finde the THVSCANS out of order, without keeping watch, and attending nothing
but making good cheere, bicause they had newly taken a wealthy riche cittie,
where they had left never an enemy in the same to
CAMILLVS <Plut1-395> hurte them, neither feared any abroad to come
neere to assaulte them. And in deede it fell out rightly as he gessed.
For he had not only passed through the territories of the cittie, without
any intelligence geven to the enemies within the same: but he was come
to the very gates, and had taken the walles, before they hard any thing
of his by reason they neither kept watch nor warde, but were dispersed
abroade in the cittie, in every house, eating & drincking droncke together.
Insomuch as when they knew their enemies were already within the cittie,
they were so full fraight with meate and wine, that the most of their wittes
served them not so much as to flye, but taried untill they were slaine
or taken, like beastes in the houses. Thus was the cittie of SVTRIVM twise
taken in one daye. And it chaunced that those which had wonne it, lost
it: and those which had lost it, recovered it againe by Camillus meanes.
Who deserved both the honour and entrie of triumphe into ROME: the which
wanne him no lesse good will and glorie, then the two first before had
done prayse, and gotten fame. For even his greatest enemies that most spighted
and envied his former noble actes, ascribing them rather to fortune that
favored him, then to his valliantnes or worthines: were forced nowe by
this deede of his to confesse, that his wisedome and valliantnes deserved
prayse and commendation to the skyes. Camillus of all his enemies had one
most bitter to him, which was Marcus Manlius, that was the first man that
gave the GAVLES the repulse that night they had entered the walles of the
Capitoll, and had thought to have taken it: whereupon they gave him the
surname of Capitolinus. He aspiring to be the chief of the cittie, &
finding no direct waye to exceede the glory of Camillus, tooke the broade
highe waye of them that practise tyrannie+. For he beganne to flatter the
common people, and specially those that were indebted: he tooke upon him
to defende their causes, &
<Plut1-396> CAMILLVS pleaded their case at the barre against their
creditours. Sometimes he tooke the debters out of the creditours handes
and caried them awaye by force, that for lacke of abilitie to paye, were
by rigour of the lawe condemned to be bonde slaves. But by this practise,
in shorte time he gotte him a marvelous number of such needie followers,
and poore men, that the noble men and honest cittizens were affrayed of
the insolent partes they played, & of the continual troubles and tumultes
they daylie stirred up in the market place. Therefore suspecting the worst
in this case, they dyd choose Quintus Capitolinus Dictator: who caused
the sayed Manlius immediately to be apprehended, and committed him to prison.
Whereupon the people beganne to chaunge their apparell: which they were
never wont to doe, but in great and common calamities. But the Senate fearing
least some commotion would ryse hereupon, they dyd set him at libertie
againe. He being thus out of prison, was no whit the better, nor wiser
thereby, but dyd still stirre up the commons, more boldely and seditiously,
then before. Then was Camillus chosen againe Tribunus military, and Manlius
was accused in his time of office. But when this matter came to pleading,
the sight of the Capitoll troubled his accusers much. For the very place
it selfe where Manlius had repulsed the GAVLES by night, and defended the
Capitoll, was easely seene from the market place, where the matter was
a hearing: & he him selfe pointing with his hande, shewed the place
unto the goddes, and weeping tenderly he layed before them the remembraunce
of the hazarde of his life, in fighting for their safety. This dyd move
the judges hartes to pittie, so as they knew not what to doe, but many
times they dyd put over the hearing of his case unto another daye, and
neither would they geve judgement, knowing he was convicted by manifest
proofes: neither could they use the severitie of the lawe upon him, bicause
the place
CAMILLVS <Plut1-397> of his so notable good service was ever still
before their eyes. Therefore Camillus finding the cause of delaye of justice,
dyd make the place of judgement to be removed without the cittie, into
a place called the wodde Petelian, from whence they could not see the Capitoll.
And there the accusers gave apparent evidence against him: & the judges
considering all his wicked practises, conceaved a just cause to punishe
him, as he had deserved. So they gave sentence of death against him: that
he should be caried to the mount Capitoll, and there to be throwen downe
hedlonge the rockes thereof. Thus, one, and the selfe place was a memory
of his notable good service, & also a memoriall of his miserable and
unfortunate end. Besides all this, they rased his house, and built in the
same place a temple to the goddesse they call Moneta: {Keats+} & made
a lawe also, that no Patrician from thenceforth should dwell any more in
the mount Capitoll. Camillus after this, being called againe to take the
office of Tribunus militaris the sixt time: he sought to excuse him selfe
aswell for that he sawe he was well stepte in yeres, as also for that he
feared fortunes spight, or some mishappe, after he had obteined such glorie
for his noble actes and service. Howbeit the most apparent cause of his
excuse, was his sickenes, which troubled him much at that time. But the
people would allowe no excuse by any meanes, but cried out, they dyd not
desire he should fight a foote nor a horse backe, but that he should only
geve counsaill, and commaunde: and therefore they compelled him to take
the charge, and to leade the armie with one of his companions named Lucius
Furius, against their enemies the PRAENESTINES, & the VOLSCES, who
joyning together, dyd invade the confines of the ROMAINES friendes. So
he led his army out immediately to the field, and camped as neere the enemy
as he could: being minded for his parte to drawe the warres out in length,
that he might fight
<Plut1-398> CAMILLVS afterwards (if neede required) when he had
recovered strength. But Furius contrarilie coveting glorie, was whottely
bent to hazarde the battell, whatsoever perill came of it: & to this
ende he sturred up, & incoraged the captaines of everie private bande.
Wherfore Camillus fearing least they should thinke, for ill will he bare
the young men, that he went about to hinder and take awaye the meancs to
winne their honour, {war+} and to doe some noble acte: suffered Furius
against his will to put his men in order of battell, and he in the meane
season by reason of his sickness remained with a fewe about him in the
campe. So went Lucius upon a head to present battell to the enemie, and
so was he as headilie afso overthrowen. But Camillus hearing the ROMAINES
were overthrowen: sicke as he was upon his bedde, got up, and taking his
householde servantes with him, he went in haste to the gates of the campe,
and passed through those that fled, untill he came to mete with the enemies
that had them in chase. The ROMAINES seeing this that were already entred
into the campe, they followed him at the heeles forthwith: & those
that fled also without, when they sawe him, they gathered together, and
put them selves againe in arraye before him, and persuaded one another
not to forsake their captaine. So their enemies hereupon stayed their chasing,
& would pursue no further that daye. But the next morning, Camillus
leading his armie into the fielde, gave them battell, and wanne the field
of them by plaine force: and following the victorie harde, he entred amongest
them that fled into their campe pelmel, or hand overheade, and slue the
most parte of them even there. After this yictorie, he was advertised howe
the THVSCANS had taken the cittie of SVTRIVM, and had put to the sworde
all the inhabitants of the same, which were the ROMAINES cittizens. Whereupon
he sent to ROME the greatest parte of his army, and keeping with Mm the
lightest and
CAMILLVS <Plut1-399> lustiest men, went and gave assaulte unto the
THVSCANS that nowe were harbored in the cittie of SVTRIVM. Which when he
had wonne againe, he slue parte of them, & the other saved them selves
by flight. After this, he returned to ROME with an exceeding spoyle, confirming
by experience, the wisedome of the ROMAINES, who dyd not feare the age
nor sicknes of a good captaine that was expert and valliant: but had chosen
him against his will, though he was both olde and sicke, and preferred
him farre before the younger and lustier that made sute to have the charge.
Newes being brought unto the Senate, that the THVSCVLANIANS were revolted,
they sent Camillus thither againe, willing him of five other companions
to take out one he liked best, every of the which desired to be chosen,
and made their sute unto him for the same. But he refusing all other, dyd
chose againe Lucius Furius beyounde all expectation of men, seeing not
long before he needes would against his will hazarde battell, in which
he was overthrowen. Howbeit Camillus, having a desire (as I thincke) to
hyde his faulte and shame he had receaved: dyd of curtesie+ preferre him
before all other. Nowe the THVSCVLANIANS hearing of Camillus comming against
them, subtilly sought to culler the faulte they had already committed.
Wherefore they put out a great number of people into the fields, some to
plowe, other to keepe the beastes, as if they had bene in best peace: and
dyd set the gates of the cittie wide open, sent their children openly to
schoole, their artificers wrought their occupation in their shoppes, the
men of haviour & honest cittizens walked in the market place in their
long gownes, & the officers & governours of the cittie went up
and downe to every house, commaunding them to prepare lodgings for the
ROMAINES, as if they had stoode in no feare at all, and as though they
had committed no faulte. Howbeit all these fine fetches could not make
Ca-
<Plut1-400> CAMILLVS millus beleeve, but that they had an intent
to rebell against the ROM@INES: yet they made Camillus pittie them, seeing
they repented them of that they had determined to doe. So he commaunded
them to goe to ROME to the Senate, to crave pardone of their faulte: and
he him selfe dyd helpe them, not only to purge their cittie of any intent
of rebellion, but also to get them the priviledge and freedome of ROME.
And these be the chiefest acts Camillus dyd in the sixt time of his tribuneshippe.
After this, one Licinius Stolo moved great sedition in the cittie, betwene
the common people, and the Senate. For he would in any case that of the
two Consuls, which were chosen yerely, the one of them should be a commoner,
and not that both of them should be of the auncient noble families, called
Patricians. The Tribunes of the people were chosen, but the election of
the Consuls, the people stayed: so that the common wealth went to decaye,
and declined to greater troubles, then ever it dyd before, for lacke of
government. But to suppresse this, the Senate created Camillus the fourth
time Dictator: but this was sore against his will, bicause it misliked
the people muche. Furthermore, he would not complaine of the people, for
that they having served under him in many warres and battells, might boldely,
and truely saye unto him: that he had done more notable acts by them in
the warres, then he had done by the Patricians in peace. Yet was he created
Dictator in despight, to rule the people, and of envie in the noble men
towards them. Thus necessitie dyd urge him, either by force to suppresse
the people, if he were the stronger in this dissention: or els that he
him self should be suppressed, if he became the weaker. Camillus notwithstanding,
preparing to prevent this mischief, & knowing the daye the Tribunes
had determined, to preferre the passing of their lawe by voyces of the
people: he gave warning by proclamations set upon postes, that the
CAMILLVS <Plut1-401> same very daye he would muster the people,
and all was but to drawe them from the market place into the field of Mars,
and dyd set great penalties upon those that should be lacking at the musters,
and would presume to disobey. The Tribunes of the people on the contrarie
parte, dyd withstande his threates, and sware they would condemne Camillus
selfe in fitie thousand Drachmas of silver, if he dyd not let the people
alone, but would goe about to disturbe them for geving their voyces to
such lawe, as they liked of. Camillus perceaving this, and fearing to be
condemned, and banished once againe, which would fall out very ill for
him, being nowe an olde man, and one that had done so many great and notable
actes, or els for that he thought him selfe not strong enough to withstande
the force of the people: he kept his house that daye, fayning him selfe
to be sicke, and certaine other dayes following, and in the ende he gave
up his office. Thereupon the Senate chose in his place another Dictator,
who named the same Licinius Stolo general of the horse men, that was the
author and furtherer of all this sedition: and besides dyd suffer him to
preferre another lawe, and to passe it by voyces of the people, that above
all other lawes, dyd most trouble the Patricians. Which lawe dyd forbid
any cittizen of ROME, to have, or occupie above five hundred jugera, which
amount to 330. acres and a halfe,12. pole and 121. partes of a pole. Then
was this Stolo alofte, & of great estimation at that time: for that
he had in despite of the Senate established this law. Howbeit shortely
after it was found out, that him self had more number of acres then his
owne lawe permitted. By reason whereof, he receaved the juste punishment
of his owne devised forfaiture. Yet the most weightie matter of all this
dissention that beganne first, and most of all troubled the Senate, touching
the election of the Consuls, remained still undetermined. But while these
matters were thus in
<Plut1-402> CAMILLVS talke, the ROMAINES had certen intelligence,
howe the GAVLES were departed once againe from the Adriaticke sea, and
were coming with a great power straight unto ROME: upon reporte of which
newes, the warres followed immediately. For the GAVLES destroyed the champion
country as they went: and the poore country men that could not recover
ROME, were scattered here and there amongest the mountaines. The feare
of this dyd somewhat appease the dissention. The people then assembhng
with the Senate, and the baser sorte with the noble, dyd all with one voyce
and assent chuse Camillus Dictator the fifte time. He was nowe a very olde
man, lacking litle of foure score yeres: but nevertheless considering the
necessitie and present daunger, without framing any excuse, or starting
as he had before, he undertooke the charge. Nowe that he had taken it upon
him, he presently levied men, and prepared his army. And knowing very well
howe the fiercenes of these barbarous GAVLES consisted, in downe right
blowes with their swordes, with which they would strike of heades and shoulders
of men at a blowe, mangling them like bouchers, without any cast or skyll
of fight: he caused iron salletts, & morians to be made for the most
of his men, as smoothely wrought on the out side as could be, that their
swordes lighting on them, should either slyde of, or breake. Moreover,
he caused their sheldes to have barres made about them of copper, bicause
the wodde selfe was not able to abide their blowes. Furthermore, he dyd
teache his souldiers to cary long javelines or punchion staves, wherewith
they might wounde their enemies lifting up their swordes to strike them.
Nowe when the GAVLES were come neere ROME, having pitched their campe upon
the river of Anian, and being full loden and stuffed with all kindes of
spoyle and booties: then Camillus brought his armie also into the fielde,
and went to lodge on a litle hill which was
CAMILLVS <Plut1-403> easie to get upon, where there were many litle
caves, so that the most of his army was all hidden and covered, & those
that were seene, seemed to be retired thither into those highe places for
an advantage, and of feare. Camillus to increase this opinion more in his
enemies, and to make them the bolder: dyd suffer them to come and spoyle
even to the foote of the hill where he was lodged, and stirred not once
out to trouble them, but kept him selfe quiet in his campe and well fortified.
Untill such time as he spyed occasion of advantage, that the best parte
of their army were scattered here and there, a forraging all about the
fieldes: and those which remained in their campe, fell to eating and drincking,
as they used carelesly at all howres. Then Camillus sent very early before
daye, his lightest armed men, to vexe and trouble the barbarous people
in coming out of their campe, and to let them in any case from putting
their men in order of battell: and he at the breake of daye, came downe
into the plaine, and dyd set his other men being well armed, in good arraye,
which were a great number, and lustie fellowes, and were not as the barbarous
people thought, fewe, and fearefall. This at the very first discoraged
the hartes of the GAVLES marvelously, bicause they thought them selves
dishonored, that the ROMAINES should charge upon them first. Afterwardes
also Camillus vantgarde dyd set upon the GAVLES, and that on a sodaine,
before they had leysure to put them selves in battell, or to order their
troupes: compelling them to fight without order, as they met out of order
by chaunce. In the ende also, Camillus came upon the neckes of them, with
all his whole force, & army together: against whom they ranne notwithstanding,
holding up their naked swordes alofte in their handes. But the ROMAINES
thrusting with their armed javelinges, receaved their enemies blowes upon
them, and thereby so rebated the edges of their swordes
<Plut1-404> CAMILLVS (their blades being very sharpe and thinne
grounde, and of so softe a temper) that they bowed againe, and stoode crooked
unreasonably: and furthermore, having persed their shieldes through with
their punching staves, the GAVLES armes were so clogd and wearied with
them, the ROMAINES plucking them backe to them againe, that they threw
away their swordes and shieldes, and flying in, closed with the ROMAINES,
and caught holde of their javelines, thincking by plaine force to have
wrested them out of their handes. Howbeit they perceaving then the GAVLES
were naked, fell straight to their swordes: & so was the slaughter
of their first ranckes very great. The other fled scatteringly here and
there, all about the plaine: bicause Camillus had caused all the hilles
and mountaines about them to be occupied and possessed. Neither dyd they
retire towardes their campe, for that it was unfortified, and also knewe
well enough it would be easely taken. This battell (as they saye) was thirteene
yeres after their taking of ROME before. But after that fielde, the ROMAINES
corages were good enough against these barbarous GAVLES, whom they stoode
in feare of before: thincking the first time they came, that they had not
overcomed them by force, but by reason of the plague that fell amongest
them, or through some other straunge chaunce. For they dyd so feare them
at that time, that they made a lawe, howe their priestes should be exempted
from warres, so it were not against the GAVLES. This overthrowe was the
last marshall acte Camillus dyd in the warres. For, the taking of the cittie
of VELITRES, was an accident depending upon this jorney: bicause they yelded
straight unto him, without striking any stroke. But the seditiousnes of
the people of ROME about government, and the choosing of the yere Consuls,
was the hardest matter he ever had in hande. For they returning home to
ROME stronge, and of greate power, by their late ob-
CAMILLVS <Plut1-405> teined victorie: woulde in any case have one
of the Consuls to be chosen of a commoner, which was directy against their
auncient custome. But the Senate stowtely withstoode it, & would not
suffer Camillus to be put out of office: hoping the better by meanes of
his authoritie, which was greate then, that they should mainteine &
continue their auncient dignitie, & prerogative of their nobilitie.
But as Camillus was set in his chayer in the market place, where he hearde
& dispatched causes: there came a sergeante to him, sent from the Tribunes
of the people, who commaunded him to followe him, and there withall layed
violent handes upon him, as he woulde have caried him awaye by force. This
made suche a terrible tumulte and uprore, that the like was never seene
before in the market place. For Camillus friendes drave the sergeaunte
backe behinde the chayer. The common people cried out againe to the sergeant
from beneath, pull him out of his chayer. This so amazed Camillus, that
he knew not well what to saye to the matter. Notwithstanding, he would
not resigne up his office, but taking those Senatours he had about him,
he went unto the place where the Senate was wont to be kept. And there,
before he would goe into it, he returned backe againe unto the Capitoll,
& made his prayer unto the goddes, that it would please them to bring
his troubles againe to a quiet, and so made a solemne vowe and promise
(if these tumultes and troubles might be pacified) that he woulde builde
a temple of Concorde. When this matter came to debating before the Senate,
there fell great contention and diversitie of opinions among them: yet
in the ende, the easiest waye dyd carie it, and that was to graunt the
common peoples desire, that a commoner should be chosen Consul with a noble
man. The Dictator having openly published to the people the Senates decree,
confirming their desire: the common people were so joyfull, that at that
presente
<Plut1-406> CAMILLVS they let fall all their malice against the
Nobilitie and Senate, & brought Camillus home to his house, with greate
showtes of joye, and clapping of handes. The next morning all the people
being assembled together in the market place, it was there decreed: that
the temple of concorde should be built at the common wealthes charge (according
to the vowe Camillus had made) in such a place, as it might be seene from
the market place selfe, where all the assemblies for matters of counsell
were naade. And further, it was ordered that one daye more should be added
to the feastes of the LATINES: and that from thenceforth they should solemnise
foure fesdvall dayes, and should presently make generall sacrifices unto
the goddes, in everie temple of the cittie, to geve them thanckes: and
in token of joye, they should all weare garlands upon their heades for
this reconciliation. So Camillus proceeding to election, there were chosen
two Consuls, Marcus AEmilius of the noble Patricians, and Lucius Sextus
of the Plebeians or commoners. And this was the laste acte that ever Camillus
dyd. For, the next yere after, the plague+ was in ROME, and tooke awoye
an infinite number of people that dyed, besides many magistrates and officers
of the cittie that departed: among whom, Camillus also left his life. Who
notwithstanding he had lived a long time, and had ended a reasonable course
of life: yet he was as ready to dye, and as paciently tooke his death+,
as any man living could have done. Moreover, the ROMAINES made more mone
and lamentation for his deathe alone, then for all the rest the plague
had already consumed. The ende of Furius Camillus life. THE END OF THE
FIRST VOLUME
|
